Pdf file downloadable here
In February 1968 then Columbia sophomore Mark Rudd visited Cuba as part of a larger SDS delegation. For Rudd, it was love at first sight, especially since Cuba was the home of Rudd's hero Che Guevara:
When Rudd met the Motherfuckers shortly after he returned to America, he may have seen them as a potential organizational prototype for a functioning urban foco.2 Viewing SDS with the foco model in mind, Rudd may have felt that the collapse of SDS as a national organization might even be something to be desired. From Rudd's blog:
The Columbia strike only strengthened Rudd's convictions:
Yet Weatherman chose to ignore much of what the Vietnamese told them:
Weatherman resisted calls to liquidate SDS into something like a "popular front" centered on CPUSA-backed "give peace a chance" groups such as the National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam.3 Yet Weatherman was still feted by Havana in spite of the group's rejection of "Pop Front" politics. In his memoir Underground, Rudd recalls that in the summer of 1969 a group of radicals that included Bernardine Dohrn and 13 other Weatherman went to Havana to meet with members of the Vietnamese National Liberation Front (NLF). The Vietnamese told them that the antiwar movement had to become "even broader and more committed." Dohrn returned to Canada on a Cuban freighter filled with doubt about Weatherman's political perspective. After her ship landed and she was met by both Rudd and JJ (John Jacobs), they debated whether or not the Weatherman line still made sense:
A Columbia graduate student and Weatherman named Martin Kenner also told Rudd that one of Kenner's connections in the Cuban Mission to the UN said that the Weatherman Days of Rage demonstration in Chicago in October 1969 "was terrible" and that "following the lead of the Vietnamese, the Cubans understood the need for the broadest possible unity of as many Americans as possible against the war, not a fantasy of violent revolution in the streets."5
THE TRI-CONTINENTAL OPTION
In Underground, Rudd portrays both the Cubans and the Vietnamese as dead set against violence. Yet the Third World-worshiping Weathermen ignored their advice and embarked on a path of "custeristic" madness that led to the Days of Rage. Yet after the complete failure of that action, Weatherman famously turned even more violent; at its 27-30 December 1969 "War Council" in Flint, Michigan, for example, Bernardine Dohrn famously praised the Manson Family. Yet the Cubans in particular maintained ties to Weatherman throughout this period, although the evidence seems overwhelming that they did so to try to convince the group to abandon its "Guevaraist" fantasy.
Che Guevara symbolized resistance inside the Communist movement not just to U.S. imperialism but to the Kremlin-promulgated model of "peaceful coexistence" with the West.6 The Havana-based African-Asian-Latin American People's Solidarity Organization (AALAPSO), best known as the Tri-Continental Congress, represented the epicenter of Guevarist insurrectionist politics. Weatherman embraced the Tri-Continental Congress's political line. The Tri-Continental network publicly endorsed "urban guerrilla warfare" and celebrated groups like the Tuparmaros in Uruguay and the Montoneros in Argentina; both organizations served as models not just for Weatherman but for the Stasi-aided "Red Army Faction" in West Germany as well. The Tri-Continental network glorified Palestinian plane hijackers and Cuba gave asylum to the Black Liberation Army's political guru Eldridge Cleaver.7 The KGB and its client intelligence services provided members of some terrorist groups with safe haven. The Havana-based magazine Tricontinental even reprinted the Brazilian radical Carlos Marighella's Minimanual of the Urban Guerrilla, a Terrorism for Dummies text that offered helpful tips on ambushes, riots, sabotage, assassinations, etc.8 The Minimanual was then reprinted in the Berkeley Tribe, an underground paper under Weatherman political guidance.9 However the Cubans clearly believed that the idea of guerrilla warfare in North America was an ultra-left blunder. Almost certainly, the Cubans were supported in this view by the KGB. If anything, the KGB may well have tried to restrain the Cuban enthusiasm for overseas adventure, although the KGB and its related East Bloc services did give support to violent Palestinian groups such as George Habash's PFLP.
After the disastrous New York town house explosion in March 1970, Weatherman's leadership collective (Bernardine Dohrn/Bill Ayers/Jeff Jones a/k/a "the Eggplant") realized how close they had come to the brink. From then on, Weatherman bombings became strictly "symbolic" to avoid any potential loss of life. Yet Weatherman's initial turn to terror was more than just youthful infatuation with The Battle of Algiers and anger over Vietnam. In Underground, Rudd places the blame for Weatherman policy on Weatherman alone. Yet Weatherman clearly tried to implement the Tri-Continental Congress vision. In short, I believe Weatherman arguably received mixed messages inside the Communist world and that only after the debacle of the townhouse explosion did the leadership cadre finally reject all but symbolic acts of terrorism.10
Thanks to FOIA declassification, it is now clear that Weatherman enormously distorted their claims of a Cuban connection. The evidence seems overwhelming that Weatherman exaggerated supposed Cuban support and suppressed Cuba's strong criticism of Weatherman-style "infantile ultra-leftism." The Cuban opposition to Weatherman is shown in notes taken by Bernardine Dohrn of her arguments with Cuban officials that the FBI seized in a raid on a Weatherman safe house. Dohrn attacked the Cubans for being counter-revolutionary and for failing to provide support for armed struggle in North America. Unwilling to settle for a cheerleader role in CP "peacenik" groups but also after the Townhouse disaster in March 1970 no longer politically willing to follow JJ's lead into mass terrorism, Weatherman tried to split the difference with its new policy of only bombing empty buildings, a kind of "neither fish nor fowl" tactic that soon led it into increasing political irrelevancy.
NOTE: THE "EXTRA-PARLIAMENTARY LEFT" AND THE ORIGINS OF WEATHERMAN
Weatherman's outlook was crucially influenced by the "extra-parliamentary left" that emerged in New York in the wake of the collapse of the May Second Movement (M-2-M). One faction simply refused to liquidate into PLP, which now became a "party" -- before that it was just a "movement." The dissidents now declared themselves members of a new group, the American Liberation League (ALL).
ALL published Liberation USA out of 5 St. Marks Place. ALL enjoyed close relations with the New York wing of the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation. The writer John Gerassi, who headed the New York branch of the Bertrand Russell Foundation, issued a statement that read: "We are at one with the efforts and perspectives of the ALL. We hail its formation and look forward to the closest association." A radical Latin Americanist and author of The Great Fear in Latin America, Gerassi had visited Havana and he was a strong supporter of Tricontinental "Guevara" line. His fascination with terrorism even surfaces in his weird 2006 novel The Anachronists. (For an important study of Tricontinental, see Roger Faligot, Tricontinentale (Paris: Editions La Decouverte, 2013,)
Edited by future Weatherman Gerry Long, Liberation USA's staff included future Weathermen John Jacobs (JJ) and James Mellen along with Larry Meyers, FUNY founders Allen and Sharon Krebs, Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation member Russ Stetler, who was then with the New York branch of the Foundation before he replaced Ralph Schoenman in London as Russell's personal secretary, Raymond Agostini, Constance Long, Marcia Steinbrecher (the then wife of the avant-garde film maker Hollis Frampton), and Leonard Liggio, an anti-Vietnam War right-wing libertarian, who at the time co-published a journal called Left and Right: A Journal of Libertarian Thought. (Liggio also taught a FUNY class on American imperialism.)
The "extra-parliamentary Left" network in New York that ALL reflected objected to the pacifist tactics of groups like the Fifth Avenue Peace Parade Committee and demanded a more confrontational approach to street protests that culminated in the 1967 demonstration outside the Plaza Hotel against Dean Rusk that included SDS members like future Weatherman Central Committee member Jeff Jones as well as Rudd. The M-2-M/Free University of New York world is captured as well in Jim Mellen's extensive interview in Milton Viorst's 1979 book Fire in the Streets.
In his monumental history of SDS, Kirkpatrick Sale arguably makes a monumental goof. In his detailed discussion of 1968, he fails to mention one critical incident: the attempt by former SDS president Carl Oglesby to broker an alliance between SDS and the "Eastern Establishment" via Business International (BI), a firm that published sophisticated economic reports and advised top corporations. Sale's mistake seems especially odd since the debate over Business International inside SDS was hardly a well-kept secret; there was even a long article about BI in New Left Notes.
The SDS-BI talks inspired the discovery of a supposed war between the "Yankee" and "Cowboy" factions of U.S. capitalism. In April 1968, Oglesby wrote a long article in the National Guardian promoting the idea of a deep split in the ruling class between two capitalist factions that he labeled "Yankees and Cowboys."12 He argued that SDS should align with the Eastern Establishment Yankees, who, he argued, were anti-war, pro-Bobby Kennedy and opposed to newer and meaner factions of U.S. capital centered in the South and Southwest.13 In an August 1974 Ramparts article, Steve Weissman reports that in 1968 there was even a "vague proposal" by the Business International network to do "whatever was possible" to help SDS stage "a massive demonstration against Humphrey" in Chicago and one against Nixon in Miami.14 Weissman then recalled that SDS "refused the offer."
In his memoir Ravens in the Storm, Oglesby discusses his negotiations with BI president Eldridge Haynes.15 Oglesby recalls that he first met Haynes at the Gotham Hotel in New York in the spring of 1968. As for Haynes: "He was a Harvard man. He had spent much of his career in the Foreign Service but had left government during the Kennedy years to become a consultant to businesses operating in the "frequently turbulent" countries of the Third World. This work had grown into Business International, Inc. CIA, right?"16
The next day Oglesby took part in a round-table presentation about SDS to a select group that included executives from GM, GE, AT&T, IBM, Ford, the AP, and even "a man from the State Department." Two weeks later, Oglesby helped organize another dialog between BI clients and "half-a-dozen SDSers from Columbia and CCNY. . . . SDS groups without me continued these meetings, sitting down with BI people four times that spring. . . . Haynes and I kept meeting. A little later that same spring, Haynes popped the big question. "Suppose Robert Kennedy were to become a presidential candidate. Do you imagine, Carl, that SDS might be inclined to support him?"17 Oglesby then explains:
Clearly Haynes had done his homework and chose his first big SDS contact well.
Oglesby relates a conversation he had with Bernardine Dohrn who, like the vast majority of SDS members, opposed any alliance with BI, "sotto voce" or not. Oglesby says that he told Dohrn that even if "Haynes or the CIA has a secret agenda, I believe it's not to screw us up but to use us in some way to help make RFK president." Dohrn replied: "Well, it could be both, couldn't it? . . . You say this BI's thing is to gather intelligence on Third World countries and sell it to the guys you once denounced as corporate imperialists. I don't understand you, Carl. It seems like you talk one way and act another."19 Oglesby remarked that Dohrn "was probably right in assuming that BI and Haynes were tied to Kennedy and very possibly to the CIA. . . . But who cared? As far as I was concerned, the more the CIA knew about SDS, the better. We had nothing to hide!"
Gene Bradley was one of the participants in a BI-sponsored meeting with Oglesby. A Christian Science devotee, Bradley headed up the International Management Association. In a 2012 article for The Baffler, Maureen Tkacik notes that Bradley's life reads like the history of a "big-time spook."20 In September 1968, Bradley, a vice-president of the National Strategic Information Center as well as a businessman, wrote an article for the Harvard Business Review entitled "What Businessmen Need to Know about the Student Left." In his memoir The Story of One Man's Journey in Faith, Bradley reports that as part of his research, "mutual friends" invited him to meet Hoover's top FBI aide William Sullivan, who let Bradley read FBI files on the New Left. Bradley also recalls debating SDS's "Carl Ogilsvie."
Although Bradley was far less enchanted with SDS than Haynes, it is worth noting that Bradley had spent some time in the Kennedy Administration working with the Peace Corps. Sargent Shriver created the Peace Corps after he read a memo from Warren Wiggins, then a Far East deputy director of the International Cooperation Administration (the precursor to U.S. AID). Shriver appointed Wiggins to run the new organization. In 1965-66 when Oglesby served as SDS President, Wiggins asked SDS to help him develop new training programs for the Peace Corps. Some SDS members, including Oglesby, addressed volunteers at Peace Corps training centers in Oklahoma and Puerto Rico.21 Kirkpatrick Sale also reports that when Frank Mankiewicz and Sargent Shriver were in the Office of Economic Opportunity working on the creation of a "domestic Peace Corps" that later become Volunteers in Service to America (VISTA), they looked to SDS's ERAP (Economic Research and Action Project) for inspiration. Mankiewicz paid Tom Hayden then running an ERAP project in Newark called the Newark Community Union Project (NCUP) to visit Washington and explain NCUP to his staff. Some ERAP members became paid VISTA consultants.22
CAMBRIDGE IRON AND STEEL
Another curious example of corporate liberalism in league with SDS involves a wealthy Boston businessman named Ralph Hoagland. In SDS, Kirkpatrick Sale mentions an organization known as the Cambridge Iron and Steel Corporation (CIS). CIS was technically headed by Danny Schechter, a former member of the Northern Student Movement (NSM). A 1964 Cornell graduate, Schechter later pursued an MA at the London School of Economics (LSE). After he returned to Boston, Schechter became CIS's nominal president. Other SDS CIS members included Michael Ansara, Vernon Grizzard, Nick Egleson, Jon Weiner, and future Weatherman Russ Neufeld.23 According to Sale, CIS was begun
CIS, it turned out, was a dummy front corporation that Hoagland established to launder money into the radical movement and the anti-PL wing of SDS in particular. A 22 September 1969 article in The Harvard Crimson reported that both the Progressive Labor Party's magazine PL and the Boston Globe uncovered Hoagland's role in the spring of 1969 and that Hoagland even helped finance the creation of a Boston-based "Movement" paper known as Old Mole. According to the Crimson:
That Newton businessman was Ralph Hoagland.
In August 1969, PLP's magazine PL published a long attack on CIS entitled "Right-wing SDS'ers Get Loot." The article claimed that CIS received $100,000 [not $25,000 as Sale reports] from Hoagland.26 PL said that:
A Harvard Business School graduate, Hoagland made a fortune when he helped found the Consumer Value Stores (CVS) chain. After the Boston-area ghetto riots following the murder of Martin Luther King, Hoagland and an organization called FUND (Fund for Urban Negro Development) bankrolled the Black United Front, a combination black nationalist-black capitalist organization that went out of existence a few years later.27
PL wasn't the only group interested in CIS's curious financial history. From the 1 March 1971 Harvard Crimson:
Carl Oglesby believed that by dealing with what he viewed as the "left CIA," he was helping to end the war.28 But was that really the main objective behind the BI network's attempt to work out some sort of deal with SDS? After Robert Kennedy's assassination, for example, Hubert Humphrey's nomination for president by the Democratic Party was assured. No demonstration outside the Chicago convention hall could possibly change that fact. So why would BI try to encourage one?29
The BI overtures to SDS may have been part of some Machiavellian plot to help put Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger into power. But if one assumes there really was something like a "left CIA," how did it view the prospect of Hubert Humphrey as the next president? In short was the strange spring romance between Oglesby and Haynes just one small example of a far deeper war then being fought out both in the boardroom and in the street over the future course of American liberalism?
One of the popular left-liberal tropes about SDS is the view that the groovy Beatlesque free spirits from the "real" SDS fought a war to the death with the short-haired squares in PL. SDS fellow traveler Andrew Kopkind, for example, described PL in a 30 June-5 July 1969 Hard Times report on the June 1969 SDS National Convention this way: "PL peoples a Tolkien-like Middle-Earth of Marxist-Leninist hobbits and orcs, and speaks in a runic tongue intelligible only to such creatures. It is all completely consistent and logical within its own confines. But that land, at last, is fantasy. The real world begins where PL ends."30 Kopkind then lauds what he calls "the real SDS" for trying to "throw off the PL incubus" and singles out RYM I/Weatherman for special praise.
Yet one of the most important outcomes of the collapse of SDS was the rise of a large-scale American Maoist movement out from under its ruins, particularly on the West Coast.31 New American Maoism first emerged in alliance with the National Office/Action Faction network against PL, as Mark Rudd explains in Underground:
The SDS National Office/RYM I group may well have been a double minority inside SDS. Many SDS members who showed up for the June 1969 National Convention committed to a specific faction either backed PL or Klonsky's RYM II. Without anti-PL bloc voting by RYM II, RYM I/Weatherman would have been even more marginalized. Other PL foes who voted with the National Office/RYM I were Praxis supporters, counter-culture enthusiasts, independent radicals, etc.; none of them had any serious interest in RYM I "foco"-style politics. One might even view the 1969 convention at least in part as a faction fight between two warring Maoist cliques with RYM I/Weatherman stuck in the middle.
At the heart of the clash between RYM II and PL was not Stalin both factions thought he was just peachy. The key issue was the Cultural Revolution.33 A little-known turning point in the history of American Maoism came in 1966-67 once PL decided that it could no longer uncritically support the Cultural Revolution. The differences between the Chinese and PL's leaders than began to intensify. Since this story is still so little known, I will quote at some length from ex-PL members Jim Dann and Hari Dillon's book The Five Retreats:
The collapse of PL's relationship with Beijing now opened up the political playing field to a new flock of "anti-revisionists" eager to win Mao's blessings. One of most exotic of them all was Leibel Bergman. A former member of the CPUSA and PL, Bergman moved to China in the mid-1960s and lived in Beijing during the Cultural Revolution. After returning to the West Coast of the United States in the late 1960s, Bergman created the Bay Area Revolutionary Union (BARU) with Bob Avakian as a Maoist alternative to PL. The U.S.-China Friendship Association now became devoid of PL enthusiasts as well.
Given that the Weatherman soap opera continues to hog the media spotlight, it is not all that surprising that the story of RYM II and the birth of modern American Maoism remains largely ignored. Plus there is something embarrassing about La Chinoise radicals with pop-fan posters of Stalin on their walls, particularly for left-liberal historians and Hollywood screen writers committed to an anodyne version of 1960s history as a clash between the Flower Children and the Blue Meanies. But one of the puzzles of SDS remains the question of just how much of what happened in Chicago in 1969 depended on what began in Beijing in 1966.
1 See Rudd's blog at http://www.markrudd.com/.
2 Rudd encountered the Motherfuckers in March 1968 after his return from Cuba. He was introduced to them by Tom Hurwitz, an Action Faction supporter at Columbia and the son of a left-wing filmmaker. Rudd also attended an SDS NC meeting in Lexington, Kentucky, in late March 1968 and he drove home with some Motherfuckers in the car. On these early connections, see Rudd's memoir Underground as well as my appendix "Tripping with ESSO" at http://laroucheplanet.info/pmwiki/pmwiki.php?n=Library.HIABChapter2Appendix1UAW-MFHoffman.
3 The claim that there was a plan to liquidate SDS into the broader peace movement was raised by the Labor Committee in a statement printed in New Left Notes in December 1968 and refuted by Bernardine Dohrn as "trash." For the exchange, see my appendix reprinted texts from this period of crisis in SDS at http://laroucheplanet.info/pmwiki/pmwiki.php?n=Library.HIABChapter3Appendix1TextsUFTSDS.
4 Mark Rudd, Underground (New York: William Morrow, 2009), 167-68.
5 Ibid., 156.
6 For more, see John Gerassi, The Coming of the New International (New York: World Publishing Co., ).
7 Some American CP members who lived in Cuba and supported the "popular front" path tried to convince Cuban government officials to greatly restrict or even expel individuals like Cleaver. I believe there was a debate inside Cuba's leadership as well over the merits of the Tri-Continental line as opposed to a popular-front perspective.
The CIA was highly interested in this debate, to put it mildly. The CIA sent in one of its agents named Salvatore John Ferrara into a counter-culture Washington, D.C.-based paper called the Quicksilver Times. Recruited as a political science grad student at Loyola University in Chicago, Ferrara was run by Richard Ober, who served for two decades directly under James Angleton. From Angus Mackenzie's book Secrets: The CIA's War at Home, pp. 31-34:
Using his radical credentials from Quicksilver Times, Sal Ferrera next went to Paris to spy on former CIA agent Phillip Agee.
Quicksilver Times also praised the 24 August 1970 bombing of the Math Center at the University of Wisconsin at Madison, even though one graduate student was killed in the blast. A 6 September New York Times article by John Herbors entitled "Some Changes in the Pattern of Violence" cites a Quicksilver Times statement that reads: "We are with our sisters and brothers who gingerly and delicately handle black powder, dynamite, pipes stuffed with matchheads, plastique, home made naphtha, and Molotov Cocktails. They are as much a part of the total struggle as others of us involved in areas of service to the people." Interestingly, this statement appeared at the same time that Weatherman leadership was debating the continuation of the policy of terrorist bombings against people in the wake of the March 1970 Townhouse debacle.
Given Ralph Hoagland's covert financing of Old Mole, one wonders if there might not have been some similar attempt in Boston to control yet another counterculture paper the way the CIA tried to control Quicksilver Times.
9 See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Berkeley_Tribe, The Berkeley Tribe arose out of a "strike" by staffers of the Berkeley Barb. A similar development took place in New York when a pro-Weatherman group broke from the Guardian and formed the Liberated Guardian.
10 One group inside Weatherman rejected this political perspective and refused to abandon the "armed struggle" paradigm. They later were involved in the failed Brinks truck robbery in Nyack, New York.
11 The Venceremos Brigade project to send American radicals to Cuba to cut sugar cane was itself part of a broader attempt by Havana to raise its production and become less economically dependent on the East Bloc. Yet many of those most closely tied to Venceremos were anti-Weatherman. See, for example, the strong opposition of the Liberation News Service (LNS) New York faction, a group with excellent ties to Cuba, to RYM I/Weatherman as documented in Blake Stonecker, A New Dawn for the New Left (New York: Palgrave Macmillian, 2012).
For an LNS report contemptuous of the Weatherman "Days of Rage" action in Chicago, see an LNS report on Chicago reprinted in the 16 October 1969 CCNY paper Observation Post and available at http://digital-archives.ccny.cuny.edu/archival-collections/observation_post/1969/Vol%2046_No%206_October_16_1969.pdf. The Observation Post ran this insert as well in the main article:
(Reis was the Business Manager for the CCNY paper Observation Post.)
12 Oglesby later wrote a book that argued that this supposed split played a key role in American covert politics. See Carl Oglesby, The Yankee and Cowboy War: Conspiracies from Dallas to Watergate (Mission, KN: Sheed Andrews and McMeel, c 1976). Oglesby's "Yankees versus Cowboys" argument, however, is curiously absent in a November 1968 article he wrote for an elite U.S. foreign relations magazine published out of New York called Interplay (2/4). The article (entitled "The New Roman Wolf") and a subsequent follow-up comment published in the January 1969 issue of Interplay (2/6) denounces American multinational corporations in general as the vanguard of U.S. imperialism that is even threatening to reduce Europe to neo-colonialist status. Interplay's publisher Gerard Smith was a former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State.
13 In so doing, Oglesby echoed LaRouche's 1967 Third Stage of Imperialism pamphlet where LaRouche posited a split between "internationalist" capitalists centered around the major New York banks and the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) who were said to oppose more "philistine" networks in groups such as the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM). For more on Third Stage, see the chapter http://laroucheplanet.info/pmwiki/pmwiki.php?n=Library.FromJohnDieboldToEugenDuhring from Smiling Man from a Dead Planet.
14 See the article at http://www.unz.org/Pub/Ramparts-1974aug-00039?View=PDF. Weissman echoes the same report that James Simon Kunen said he heard at Columbia about BI and ESSO. See my appendix "Tripping with ESSO" at http://laroucheplanet.info/pmwiki/pmwiki.php?n=Library.HIABChapter2Appendix1UAW-MFHoffman. After Oglesby wrote about the BI discussions in New Left Notes, the news spread across the New Left. See, for example, the 30 August/5 September 1968 Berkeley Barb (p. 9) for a note on the BI/SDS talks.
15 From a bio of Haynes: http://aib.msu.edu/awards_haynes.asp#haynes:
16 Carl Oglesby, Ravens in the Storm (New York: Scribner, 2008), 170. In 1977, the New York Times reported that Haynes let the CIA use Business International as a cover for its agents. See John Crewdson, "CIA Established Many Links to Journalists in US and Abroad," 27 December 1977 New York Times.
17 Ibid, 172.
18 Ibid., 174-75.
19 Ibid., 175.
21 In 1968 another former Kennedy Peace Corps administrator, Bill Haddad, ran the U.S. Research and Development Corporation and the Manhattan Tribune. One of Haddad's reporters was Jack Newfield. First recruited into YPSL at Hunter College in the 1950s, Newfield was a staunch liberal anti-Communist; in 1968 he was a member of the left-wing of the Robert F. Kennedy campaign. While still a member of SDS, Newfield wrote A Prophetic Minority, a book-length profile of the New Left published in 1966. Newfield served as a go-between Robert Kennedy and the New Left: on at least one occasion he helped arrange a meeting between SDS leader Tom Hayden and RFK.
22 Kirkpatrick Sale, SDS (New York: Random House, 1973), 146-47. For more on the overlap between the federal government and the early New Left, see my appendix on Barry Gottehrer at http://laroucheplanet.info/pmwiki/pmwiki.php?n=Library.HIABChapter2Appendix2BARRYGOTTEHRER.
23 See Debbie Levenson, John Maher, and Fred Stout, "Right-Wing SDS'ser Get Loot: Cambridge Iron and Steel Inc. Exposed" in the August 1969 issue of Progressive Labor (7/2). The article includes a list of CIS members, many of whom were staffers on the Boston radical paper The Old Mole. For an Old Mole attack on PLP that may have inspired PL's investigation of the paper's backers, see https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/ncm-1/plp-critique.htm.
24 Sale, 532.
26 PL said that Hoagland launched CIS with $25,000 but with an additional $75,000 to follow over the next six months and that the money was given to Mike Ansara, who had begun discussions with Hoagland that dated back at least to August 1968. The money was laundered through CIS and kept secret from the rest of SDS. "Incredibly, none of the directors of CIS several of whom hold important elected positions in SDS have ever discussed these activities in SDS." (23)
27 The Black United Front sounds very much like Philadelphia's Black Coalition, which was funded by white businessmen. See my appendix on the Labor Committee and the Black Panthers.
28 Oglesby was no fan of the Labor Committee or PL. From his 1986 letter to the New York Times:
29 For more, see my appendix on ESSO at http://laroucheplanet.info/pmwiki/pmwiki.php?n=Library.HIABChapter2Appendix1UAW-MFHoffman.
30 See Andrew Kopkind, "The Real SDS Stands Up," at http://www.sds-1960s.org/Kopkind-1969convention.pdf.
31 For a somewhat rosy take at American Maoism, see Marx Elbaum, Revolution in the Air: Sixties Radicals turn to Lenin, Mao and Che (New York: Verso, 2002). Also see Loren Goldner's review of the book at http://home.earthlink.net/~lrgoldner/elbaum.html. More recently, there is a study of the RU/RCP by Aaron Leonard and Conor Gallagher entitled Heavy Radicals: The FBI's Secret War on American Maoists. The Revolutionary Union/Revolutionary Communist Party 1968-1980 (Zero Books, 2015).
32 Rudd, 145-46.
33 For more background on these obscure events, see http://www.marxists.org/history/erol/erol.htm.
34 PL continually attacked the Vietnamese for wanting to negotiate with "American imperialism."