< MarxOutlaws3 | MarxOutlaws
unnoticed by local police and federal authorities. "There is a lot of pressure to find out what the Labor Committee is really doing in Bedford-Stuyvesant and Tea, I must admit, has become a victim of this pressure," said a police source in Brooklyn. "If the Labor Committee wanted the gangs to hate cops because of police harassment, then they got their wish," the po1ice source continued.
Tea's court-appointed attorney, Paul Fink, while not charging harassment, believes Tea is the victim of irregularities. On April 18, Fink had Tea's bail for attempted murder of an officer reduced to $10,000 or $5000 cash. Though the Labor Committee newspaper New Solidarity announced, "readers must immediately send money to get I Foster out," the entire $5000 was contributed by Mark Sonnenblick, a professor of Latin American History at Essex College in New Jersey and a member of the Labor Committee. When bail was presented, the case was adjourned till April 29 at 10 a. m.
When Fink arrived at court on April 29 at, he says, 10:25 he discovered that the case had already been adjourned by the judge. Fink describes this adjournment as "irregular because it is customary practice to wait for counsel and since Bruce Foster was one of four defendants in the case, the judge should have acted on all the defendants at the same time.
It was not until later that afternoon that Fink was informed by the Labor Committee that as soon as Bruce Foster left the court. he was arrested in the hallway for a robbery that occurred on January 16, 1974. Tea was arraigned that night by Judge Matthews and held on $25,000 bail.
By the next day lsiah Scott of the Labor Committee had located court papers proving Tea had been in Rikers Island (for robbery charges which were later dismissed) on January 16, the day of the alleged robbery. Fink informed Judge Abruzzo of this and presented the court papers. However, the judge refused to release Tea or lower bail until a letter was submitted from the warden at Rikers Island confirming Tea's imprisonment on January 16. "A phone call by the judge from his chambers would have verified it, but the judge preferred keeping Bruce in jail for two more days," complained Fink. On May 2, Bruce Foster was released, the second time since January robbery charges against him were dismissed.
Fink contends "Bruce is about to be pounced upon again." "The police are out looking for him, but they will not tell me if there is an outstanding warrant. It is normal practice when the court knows the attorney to inform him of the warrants outstanding against his client," says Fink. A source at the 79th Precinct in Bedford-Stuyvesant reports, however, that "though there are warrants for Bruce Foster, the police have been instructed not to arrest him. Only the federal boys can override a warrant like that," explains his police source.
The Labor Committee has announced that while Tea was in jail in April he was brainwashed. They contend that government agents had daily sessions with Tea in the warden's office where "extensive behavior modification was conducted,"
This is perhaps the most bizarre element in the involvement of the Labor Committee and the Outlaws. According to Labor Committee literature, Tea was given drugged cigarettes by federal agents. who then hypnotized him and conducted extensive behavior modification through an intricate program of threats, movies, and homosexual abuse. The Labor Committee is convinced, however, that. it will deprogram Tea and that it will "break his government-controlled environment."
Tea is not sure how to react to the charges that he has been transformed into T., a Kafkaesque figure without free will. Originally, according to his lawyer, Tea admitted he had agreed to see Agent Erikson of the Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms bureau because "he was bored." Now Tea, after what his lawyer attributes to the influence of "the very convincing Labor Committee members," is no longer certain what went on in Rikers Island.
"What the Labor Committee says might have happened," said Tea in a recent interview. "Maybe I was hypnotized and forgot it all. I just don't know. I remember they offered me a job, showed me pictures of Committee members, and asked me about guns. But that's all I remember."
What will happen next to Tea is uncertain. The Labor Committee, according to Isiah Scott, is eager to "deprogram him." (Last summer the Committee deprogrammed Konstantin George, a Committee member who allegedly had been programmed by the KGB to kill Lyn Marcus.) And, according to Paul Fink, either the police or federal authorities are looking for Tea.
One victim of what Lyn Marcus terms ''the turf-honcho mentality" has gotten himself into quite a fix, "I'm not that political, but I understand politics. I know what Rockefeller does to the ghetto and all that. But I'm just not too sure what's going to happen to me," said Tea.