edit SideBar

APPENDIX TWO Palimpsest World: The Serpentine Trail of Roy Frankhouser '^1^'


Pdf file downloadable here (680 Kb)


In the summer of 1987 the National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC) submitted a document in a legal action that attempted to prove that Roy Frankhouser, a well-known KKK member and Lyndon LaRouche's longtime paid "security consultant," was highly connected inside the CIA. The document, "Attachment 2," began:

During 1974-75, Roy Frankhauser [sic], claiming to be working on behalf of the CIA, established contact with the NCLC. In approximately June 1975, Frankhauser submitted to three days of intensive debriefings, during which time he provided details of his employment with the National Security Council on a special assignment to penetrate a Canada-based cell of the Palestinian terrorist Black September organization, and other aspects of his CIA career dating back to his involvement in the Bay of Pigs.2 Frankhauser said he served as the "babysitter" for [Mario] Garcia-Kholy [sic], one of the Brigade leaders who was to have a high government post in a post-Castro Cuba.3 Subsequently, NCLC researchers found a brief reference in PRAVDA citing a 1962 expulsion of one "R. Frankhauser" from a low-level post at the U.S. Embassy in Moscow on charges that he was spying.4

The NCLC reference to a "R. Frankhauser" being in Moscow in 1962 as somehow relevant evidence that Roy E. Frankhouser was working for the CIA suggests just how much we have entered the Mad Hatter's World. As I have shown in previous chapters on Frankhouser in Smiling Man from a Dead Planet, Roy Frankhouser was living very publicly in Reading, Pennsylvania, and not in Rostov-on-Don. When he was not picketing the White House dressed in Nazi regalia, he was being regularly arrested for causing public disorder.5 In late 1962 – the very year the NCLC claimed "R. Frankhauser" was working as an American spy in Moscow – Roy Frankhouser was arrested in center city Philadelphia for handing out anti-Semitic, anti-black and pro-Nazi literature to Christmas holiday shoppers.6 Even if there truly was an "R. Frankhauser" in Moscow who was some kind of American agent – a big "if" to put it mildly – the troubled youth who dropped out of high school in the ninth grade and certainly did not know Russian clearly was not the alleged spy in question.7

Yet what is of value in "Attachment 2" is the information that in June 1975 the NCLC spent three full days intensively "debriefing" Frankhouser. Some months later, the NCLC publicly declared that Frankhouser's revelations would prove critical in unmasking the "real killers" of John F. Kennedy. This bold assertion first surfaced in a 27 October 1975 New Solidarity story penned by a top member of the group's "Security Staff" named Scott Thompson, who maintained close ties with select members of the radical right.8 On 20 November 1975, the same Scott Thompson wrote what was billed to be the first of a series of articles highlighting Frankhouser's claims about a plot to kill Kennedy.9

To this day Frankhouser is perhaps most famous for the fact that in late 1965 the "Jewish Nazi" Dan Burros killed himself in Frankhouser's Reading, Pennsylvania, home after the New York Times published an expose on Burros' Jewish roots. Burros' spectacular death, however, has until now overshadowed a closer look at Frankhouser's activities inside the far right. Now with the help of newly released FBI files, we can shed remarkable new light on his subterranean world.

Following the Frankhouser bread crumbs in New Solidarity, I hope to incorporate new information from FBI and other sources to illuminate the almost unknown underworld of far right politics in the late 1950s and early 1960s.10 In so doing, I also wish to advance research first begun by Professor Jerry Rose who in 1996 first cited Frankhouser's strange saga in the pages of The Fourth Decade, the journal on the Kennedy assassination that Rose also edited.11 I propose to read the two articles in New Solidarity as a palimpsest of a sort into Roy Frankhouser's eldritch world in the late 1950s and early 1960s as he blithely slithered into political organization on both the far left and far right. In so doing, I hope to shed new light not only on Frankhouser but also on his associates such as the Klan Bureau of Investigation (KBI) leader Eugene Tabbutt. Their saga will take us into the subterranean universe of a still highly cryptic group called the "Knights of Malta," a pseudo-chivalric "Order" which maintained ties to key members of the far-right.12 Finally, Frankhouser's serpentine sojourn inside the Trotskyist movement raises the possibility that when Frankhouser claimed to have met LaRouche during the period he operated in the world of the SWP, he may well have been telling the truth. If so, the question then has to be asked whether or not the Frankhouser-LaRouche connection began much earlier but only surfaced publicly in the mid-1970s.

What is of most interest here is a detailed examination of Roy Frankhouser's attempt – starting sometime in late 1959 and early 1960 – to infiltrate a small Trotskyist organization headquartered in New York City called the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) and its youth group, the Young Socialist Alliance (YSA). Frankhouser claimed that what he learned while infiltrating the SWP would prove relevant to the question of who shot Kennedy. He tried at least three times to peddle his revelations; first to the Warren Commission in 1964, to New Orleans DA Jim Garrison in 1967, and, finally, the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) in 1975, this last attempt with help from the NCLC. Recently declassified FBI files show that Frankhouser did infiltrate the ranks of the local SWP in the Philadelphia region in the late 1950s as well as in New York where the SWP had its national headquarters.

Frankhouser's tale, then, includes some eerie links to the future NCLC. Although the NCLC only officially came into contact with Frankhouser sometime in either late 1974 or early 1975, Frankhouser claimed that he had first met Lyndon LaRouche ("Lynn Marcus") while he was infiltrating the SWP in late 1959-early 1960, an assertion LaRouche denied.13 Yet one of Frankhouser's key contacts inside the YSA/SWP, George Larrabee, happened to be the first husband of Carol White (nee Schnitzer).14 Sometime after the Larrabees broke up, Carol became LaRouche's common-law wife and remained so until early 1972.15 She and LaRouche co-founded what became the NCLC in 1966-67.


Born in Reading on 11 April 1939, Royson Everett Frankhouser, Jr., led a classic troubled childhood. His father, who in the late 1950s made his living as a barber, had a violent temper and the family lived in constant fear. Frankhouser recalled that his father – whom he said had once been a musician – wound up joining the KKK.16 Frankhouser's father reportedly served time in a Federal prison for at least two armed robberies. Frankhouser's mother Lottie, who divorced her husband in 1950, testified that Royson, Sr., "was always drinking, was violent and profane, went into rages, threatened suicide often, and 'always said he hated Jews and Catholics.' He used to shout 'Heil Hitler' just to annoy the neighbors."

After the divorce, Frankhouser lived with his mother and step-father. He may have been at times a ward of the state. A Berks County Juvenile Probation Officer told the FBI that while Frankhouser "was never placed under the care of his office by the Court . . . they had supervised him unofficially because of parental troubles." For his part, Frankhouser recalled that around the time of the divorce he spent time in a children's home and he later recalled that "living in a children's home . . . I admired strength. I lived in a society that seemed to be absolutely weak. They could break up my family and throw me into a home and where was the all-American bounty? What kind of country was this?"17

Frankhouser became a problem in school, twice flunking the ninth grade. Around the same time, he began passionately collecting World War II Nazi regalia. Possibly through his father's old Reading KKK connection, he met Clarence Seidel, described in the FBI files as a "former Exalted Cyclops of RDG. [Reading], Number 265, Great Titan of Berks County, Pa." After Frankhouser dropped out of high school to join the U.S. Army paratroopers, he told the librarian at the Fort Bragg Army base in North Carolina that he wanted to develop contact with the local KKK. He then gave the librarian a letter of recommendation written by Seidel to prove Frankhouser's "authenticity and sincerity" in seeking membership in the Klan. During his time in the Army, Frankhouser established ties to Elton Lee Edwards of East Point, Georgia. A one-time paint sprayer at GM's Fisher Body plant in Atlanta, Edwards was the Grand Imperial Wizard of the U.S. Klans, Knights of the Ku Klux Klans, Inc.18


The little we know about Frankhouser's time in the U.S. Amy comes from an investigation of Frankhouser's career as a far-rightist/U.S. government informant extraordinaire conducted by John George and Laird Wilcox for their book Nazis, Communists, Klansmen and Others on the Fringe.19 They report that Frankhouser joined the U.S. Army on 6 November 1956 and specifically volunteered for the 82nd Airborne Division in order to be sent to Germany. As a devout collector of Nazi memorabilia as well as "a Ku Klux Klan sympathizer even as a young man," Frankhouser soon engaged "in a number of half-baked plots that immediately brought him to the attention of army authorities" at Fort Bragg. Frankhouser even

developed a scheme to have himself declared officially dead so he could leave the army and join the neo-Nazi movement, hoping to rise to a position of prominence. On July 2, 1957, Frankhauser stated that he planned to desert the U.S. Army and join the revolutionary forces in Cuba. In fact, he went AWOL and arrived in Miami, Florida, on July 5, 1957, to do precisely that. He was taken into custody shortly thereafter and returned to his military unit. Army records reflect that Frankhouser was discharged on November 18, 1957, under the provisions of AR-635-209 (unfit for military service).20

George and Wilcox cite an document based on a series of interviews Frankhouser gave under oath from 13 July to 18 July 1957 after his return to Army custody:

(FRANKHAUSER) made a decision to infiltrate organizations such as the Neo-Nazi Party, the Communist Party, and the Ku Klux Klan, to determine their motives, identity, the leaders, and report this information to the proper intelligence agency of the United States Government if their aims were ascertained to be inimical to the interest of the United States. FRANKHAUSER advised he had created a cover story which included causing people to think he was a true Communist or Nazi and the creation of an organization which was to be a large, well-organized unit, but which was composed of only one man – FRANKHAUSER. FRANKHAUSER'S aim at Fort Bragg was to get the Klans of the North together with the Klans of the South to give the United States government the opportunity to destroy these organizations.21

At the time he made these astonishing statements, Roy Frankhouser was 18 years old.22 After a trip to a U.S. Army facility at Fort Bragg for psychiatric treatment, Frankhouser received an honorable discharge on 18 November 1957.23 Frankhouser's claims to military authorities were made after he was returned to the Army after having gone AWOL and are no doubt self-serving. Yet he spent the rest of his life shuttling between extremist groups and U.S. government agencies. A 15 September 1975 article by Norman Kempster in the Washington Star ("He Says Uncle Sam Was His Partner in Crime") reported:

Although he does not deny sharing the racist views of the KKK and the Nazis, Frankhouser said he joined many right-wing groups at the suggestion of state and federal law enforcement agencies – the FBI, the Mississippi highway patrol and others. He said his associations with law enforcement go back 15 or 20 years.

After his discharge, Frankhouser moved back to Reading but he continued to visit his racist friends in the South. In 1958, for example, he was arrested in Atlanta for assaulting a policeman during a KKK rally in defense of segregation. At the time, Frankhouser said he was also a member of the far right National States Rights Party (NSRP), which had carried out the bombing of a Jewish synagogue in Atlanta (the Atlanta Reform Temple) on 12 October 1958. The bombing was just one of a series of attacks on Jewish institutions in the South.24 The Atlanta bombing – as well as other attacks against Jewish and black institutions – led the FBI to focus on Frankhouser as a potential terrorist. He was even on an FBI "Bomb Suspect List."


It was during this same period in the late 1950s that Roy Frankhouser began cultivating connections to the SWP and other leftist groups. Frankhouser would later claim that what he learned during this period would shed new light on President Kennedy's death. Remarkably, Frankhouser's promised "revelations" about the JFK assassination first surfaced not in the pages of the NSRP paper Thunderbolt or in some KKK-affiliated hate sheet but in the pages of the prestigious New York Times. In a 1 November 1965 article on the Daniel Burros suicide, the Times interviewed Frankhouser at his Reading home. After telling the Times that he had served as a spy for the Virginia White Citizens Council (WCC) and in this capacity had infiltrated "Communist and Negro meetings," Frankhouser declared: "soon after the assassination of President Kennedy he offered to give the Federal Bureau of Investigation photostats showing that the Socialist Workers Party had a "training camp" with which Lee Harvey Oswald, the alleged assassin, was "connected."

Some ten years later, Frankhouser's story became more elaborate. He now claimed that he had even been asked to testify before the Warren Commission. In an article by Norman Kempster in the 12 October 1975 issue of the Washington Star on a renewed investigation by the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence into the Kennedy assassination ("Schweiker, Hart Ask JFK Probe Review"), Frankhouser "said he was subpoenaed to testify before the Warren Commission but did not appear because the subpoena was canceled."


A few weeks after the Washington Star story appeared, the NCLC's New Solidarity announced that the organization had begun its own probe into the JFK murder. A month later, New Solidarity would devote a long article to detailing Frankhouser's version of events leading up to the death of JFK.

Here now in their entirety are both articles:

From the 27 October 1975 New Solidarity:

Right-Winger Murdered
By Scott Thompson
Oct. 25 (IPS) 25 — Ken Duggan, a right-wing activist who was in possession of information which linked the Buckley family to Rockefeller's CIA domestic terror apparatus, died under mysterious circumstances at Rikers Island Prison last Friday.
Prison guards told IPS they believed that Duggan was murdered, citing conflicting statements as to the cause of death. The first release said Duggan was electrocuted; a subsequent release listed the cause of death as suicide from hanging. Duggan was slated to be released in three days on an appeal bond.
A few weeks before his death, Duggan had begun once again to collaborate with IPS after seeing a friend, ex-agent Roy Frankhauser, step forward to expose National Security Council control over most left and right-wing terrorist groups.
Duggan had been framed up on attempted murder charges brought by George Wilkie, an ex-member of Duggan's organization, the Provisional National Government, who had been thrown out of the PNG for being a Buckley spy shortly before the frame-up.26 Duggan had not even been present at the shooting for which he was convicted.
Wilkie had been at Rikers Island before being introduced into the New York right-wing by leading individuals linked to the Buckley's Conservative Party. At that time he joined the U.S. section of "Tradition, Family, and Property," a right-wing group that directs death squads in Brazil. After being forced out of the PNG, Wilkie taught karate for the Commandoes Libres Nacionales – a small gang of CIA-linked Gusano terrorists located on both the East and West Coast.
As IPS has elsewhere documented, the Buckley Family is one of Nelson Rockefeller's main controllers of fascist terrorist groups. They are known to specialize in the use of Cuban exile (Gusano) terrorists through William Buckley's partner Howard Hunt. Through Madrid-based F. Reid Buckley, they control other Latin American and Eastern European organizations. The Buckleys are in command of sectors of the U.S. hard-core rightwing through individuals such as the late George Lincoln Rockwell, fuehrer of the American Nazi Party.
Fought Rocky
Duggan, a leader of the independent, radical-populist right in New York State, had sought for several years to join forces with the left against the Rockefeller family. Prior to his frame-up, Duggan had reprinted New Solidarity articles in his magazine, Illuminator.27 Dissolving the PNG as an agent-ridden body, he began collaborating with the NCLC, mapping the Buckley family networks of CIA-controlled right-wing countergangs.
If you have any information on Ken Duggan's death, forward it immediately to this newspaper. Other potential sources of information in Duggan's circle are known to be in danger. It is expected that this intelligence will fit into an NCLC investigation into the Kennedy assassination [my emphasis] along lines now being pursued by Sen. Richard Schweiker of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence.

Next from 20 November 1975 issue of New Solidarity (page 5):

Frankhauser Reveals NSC, SWP, Minutemen Role in Kennedy Killing
By Scott Thompson
Nov. 19 (IPS) — In a series of exclusive interviews with IPS over the past month, former National Security Council operative Roy Frankhauser has provided information which conclusively demonstrates that the National Security Council planned and coordinated the Nov. 1963 assassination of President John F. Kennedy. Frankhauser provided details of numerous assassination teams organized for the Kennedy and other operations by known agents of the CIA and FBI within groups ranking from the left-wing Socialist Workers Party (SWP) and the Communist Party (USA) to right-wing groups such as the paramilitary Minutemen.
Also included in the preparations for the assassination were Cuban exile groups (Gusanos), the American Nazi Party, and such top CIA agents as G. Gordon Liddy, Frank Sturgis, and E. Howard Hunt, the convicted Watergate burglar and close associate of William F. Buckley. In early 1963, Frankhauser told IPS, "the word came down to get Kennedy and agent-led teams began to spring up all over the place."
No other body than the NSC had the authority and capability to direct such broad forces. Among the men who headed the National Security Council at the time of the assassination were McGeorge Bundy, now president of the Ford Foundation, former Secretary of State Dean Rusk, Robert McNamara, now president of the World Bank, and former CIA director John McCone, now a board member of International Telephone and Telegraph. All are top members of the Rockefellers' policy-making establishment.
This article, focusing on the Kennedy assassination role of the SWP and the Minutemen, is the first of a series of planned articles which will present the full story of the NSC-CIA role in that operation.
SWP Role
Frankhauser confirms that two agents within the SWP periphery, who also had close ties to the Communist Party USA, were a direct part of the Kennedy operation. Frankhauser met the two, Ruth and John [sic] Paine, in 1960 [sic], when he was infiltrating the SWP in New York as an agent for the Mississippi White Citizens Council and for then-Mississippi [sic] Governor Patterson.28 Both Paines have been closely linked to Lee Harvey Oswald (who described himself as the "patsy" in the Kennedy killing moments before he was shot in the Dallas jail) by both the Warren Commission and by independent investigators of the assassination.
In the months preceding the assassination, the Paines lived with Marina and Lee Harvey Oswald in Dallas. It was Ruth Paine who constructed Oswald's "radical" cover. She was the one who drove Oswald to Mexico City so that he could be photographed by the CIA in front of the Soviet Embassy. She also took Oswald to New Orleans where together they opened a franchise of the SWP front, Fair Play for Cuba, with the approval of SWP national leaders.
In New York, the Paines had recruited Frankhauser to a secret paramilitary "leftist" organization after a number of casual meetings at SWP functions. They told Frankhauser that the group had three goals: 1) to break Martin Luther King out of jail should he be arrested; 2) to kill Alabama Sheriff "Bull" Connor, then a notorious opponent of integration; and 3) to assassinate President Eisenhower if revolution could not be fomented "legally." The Paines instructed Frankhauser to intensely study the SWP's paper, the Militant, in order "to learn the jargon of the left."
Actual military training for this group was conducted at Camp Midvale in the Ramapo Mountains of northern New Jersey. At this time, Midvale was a Communist Party USA-controlled camp.29 Although all of Frankhauser's reports on this operation were turned over by Governor Patterson's office to the FBI in Mississippi, no arrests were made.
It was during this same period that Frankhauser first met Oswald at an International Scientific Socialist meeting in New York to which he was taken by the Paines.
Frankhauser's second meeting with Oswald was at a CIA training camp near Lake Pontchartrain in Louisiana.
The Minutemen Case
Beginning in 1961, NSC agents launched an operation in the right-wing Minutemen – founded a year earlier to prepare for "guerrilla warfare" against an expected communist takeover of the U.S. – which transformed the organization into a key NSC center for recruiting and coordinating the psychotic fringe of right-wing groups into a swarm of assassination teams, some of which were specially selected and trained for the Kennedy assassination.
This takeover of the Minutemen was conducted under the auspices of FBI Operation COINTELPRO and CIA Operation Scorpio, and within a short time the entire Minutemen national executive committee was composed of agents – with the exception of the organization's founder Robert DePugh, who has remained a controlled dupe of the FBI ever since.
Frankhauser, at the time a CIA stringer, was himself deployed into the Minutemen, eventually becoming East Coast director of intelligence and national counterintelligence director.
Among the key figures in the Minutemen side of the Kennedy assassination operation, Frankhauser said, was Ken Duggan, who was assistant director of Minutemen counterintelligence under Frankhauser. Also a CIA stringer, Duggan worked within the Buckley family network of Catholic fascist terrorists, recruiting Gusanos for the abortive Bay of Pigs invasion. Duggan also recruited and trained several teams in preparing for the Kennedy assassination.
Duggan, who later denounced the Buckleys, was murdered at New York Rikers Island prison approximately a month ago. He was in prison as a result of a frame-up on attempted murder charges brought by one George Wilkie, a protégé of leading members of the Buckleys' Conservative Party operation.
Also suspected in profiling and selecting members of the Kennedy and other assassination teams were two agents active in the Minutemen: Vincent De Palma and Eugene Tabett [sic]. De Palma had been a leading CIA assassination expert in Latin America before being planted in the FBI. The FBI in turn deployed him into the Minutemen where he quickly became a national figure. Tabbett [sic] has worked for the FBI in the Klan Bureau of Intelligence before joining De Palma in Connecticut.
Among the other operations of these right-wing assassination teams, two incidents became public: aborted attempts to assassinate Senator J. William Fulbright and to poison the United Nations headquarters in New York with cyanide.30
Because of his intimate knowledge, Frankhauser has been a special target of brainwashing and assassination attempts.
His 1964 subpoena to testify before the Warren Commission was quashed by the FBI on "national security" grounds. At the time Frankhauser was threatened by two Reading, Pennsylvania-based FBI agents, Kaufman and Davis, who told him that "if you release information on the Paines or the Commission, you'll be in deep trouble with the FBI."31 One day before their visit, Frankhauser was almost struck by two bullets fired through the window of his Reading home.
Two weeks ago, the Philadelphia Secret Service participated in an attempt to brainwash Frankhauser under the pretext of giving him a lie detector test. Three days ago, individuals driving a government car and carrying a carbine were observed waiting in front of Frankhauser's empty house.

New Solidarity's bombshell expose was rivaled by the paper's truly astonishing inability to get even basic facts correct beginning with the name of Ruth Paine's husband (he was Michael and not "John") to the comical claim that Ruth Paine drove Oswald to Mexico City and helped him run his one-man Fair Play for Cuba Committee (FPFC) front group in New Orleans. These and other whoppers render Frankhouser's assertions (as reported by New Solidarity) intellectual road kill unusable for anyone hoping to do serious research work into the Kennedy assassination. Yet when read with the intent of learning more about right-wing infiltration by agent provocateurs into groups like the SWP, New Solidarity's tall tale of Frankhouser's strange odyssey – although laced with basic errors of fact – proves surprisingly valuable.

One obvious error in the story comes when Roy Frankhouser reportedly said that he infiltrated the SWP on behalf of the "Mississippi White Citizens Council," and "Mississippi Governor John Patterson." John Patterson, however, was the governor of Alabama, not Mississippi. (It is possible that New Solidarity simply mixed up its Pattersons since one of the founders and leading members of the Mississippi WCC was named Robert "Tut" Patterson. Tut Patterson wrote for numerous anti-Semitic publications including the National Renaissance Bulletin.32) Yet another oddity is that Frankhouser told the New York Times a decade earlier that he had worked for the Virginia (and not the Mississippi) branch of the WCC at the time he infiltrated the SWP.

The New Solidarity claim, then, may have been yet another Scott Thompson error since it seems hard to believe that Frankhouser would not have known something as basic as the name of the governor of Alabama since he worked so closely with Robert Shelton, head of the United Klans of America (UKA). In the 1958 campaign for the governor of Alabama, the UKA threw its support behind the future governor John Patterson, then the State Attorney General.33 After winning the vote, Patterson served as Alabama's Governor from 1959 to 1963. Throughout this entire period, Shelton's UKA supported Patterson. From Patsy Sims book, The Klan:

Patterson retained the Klan's political favor by awarding a $1.6 million government tire contract to B.F. Goodrich with the understanding that Shelton would be promoted from rubber worker to state sales manager. Then the Grand Dragon was also given free access to the executive office.34

In 1963 the UKA shifted its support to George Wallace. Again from Sims:

Wallace ensured Klan endorsement for future gubernatorial and presidential campaigns by pressuring a Mobile construction company doing business with the state docks to hire Shelton's father. Shelton himself was placed on the payroll of an engineering firm looking for upcoming interstate highway contracts. . . . On another occasion, a member of the Klan Bureau of Investigation was placed on the state payroll to investigate Klan activities in Alabama.35

Starting the mid-1950s and continuing well into the 1960s, supporters of segregation tried desperately to argue that integration ("race mixing") was a subversive communist plot. Southern state governments – as well as groups like the KKK, NSRP, and the White Citizens Councils – accused the extreme left of promoting violence. Thus when we read New Solidarity's claim that when Frankhouser was in New York:

the Paines had recruited Frankhauser to a secret paramilitary "leftist" organization after a number of casual meetings at SWP functions. They told Frankhauser that the group had three goals: 1) to break Martin Luther King out of jail should he be arrested; 2) to kill Alabama Sheriff "Bull" Connor, then a notorious opponent of integration; and 3) to assassinate President Eisenhower if revolution could not be fomented "legally." The Paines instructed Frankhauser to intensely study the SWP's paper, the Militant, in order "to learn the jargon of the left."

It seems more than reasonable that we are reading either a complete fantasy or pure disinformation from a textbook agent provocateur.36 Yet as we shall see later, Frankhouser did in fact meet someone named "George Payne." "George Payne," it turned out, was the "party name" for an YSA/SWP supporter named George Larrabee (Earl George Larrabee, Jr.). He, in turn, was married to LaRouche's future longtime companion, Carol, whom he first met in 1958.

As for Frankhouser's statement in New Solidarity that he also met the real Lee Harvey Oswald at an "International Scientific Socialist" meeting in New York in the company of the "Paines," all one needs to know is that Oswald was either in the Marines or in Russia at the time. After being discharged from the Marines in early September 1959, Oswald took a ship to Europe from New Orleans on 20 September 1959 to France as the first part of his planned defection to Russia. Oswald only returned to the United States via the port of New York on 13 June 1962. Oswald stayed in New York for just two days trying to raise enough travel money to return to the Dallas/Ft. Worth area. However I shall show that in the wake of the Kennedy assassination, the FBI went on a two week hunt in New York City to try to determine if the real Lee Harvey Oswald was active in New York at the time he was said to be in Russia!

Was it possible that Frankhouser really did believe he had met the "Paines" simply because he knew George Larrabee, who used the pen name "George Payne?" 37 Could Frankhouser have misremembered the spelling and made an honest mistake? There can be no doubt that the "Payne" Frankhouser really did meet was the pen name of George Larrabee. Nor can there be any confusion over the way to spell the name since Larrabee himself spelled it ""Payne." In its 19 December 1960 edition, the SWP paper the Militant published a letter to the editor by Larrabee which he signed "George Payne."38 The name is spelled "Payne" in a letter Larrabee and Frankhouser wrote and which we shall now examine.


In 1965 Frankhouser told the New York Times that while he was infiltrating the SWP he came into the possession of certain documents that he said would shed new light on the Kennedy assassination and which he said he showed to the FBI sometime in 1964, only to have the Bureau summarily reject both them and him.

But just what were those documents?

Thanks to FBI reports now available on the Mary Ferrell Foundation website, we now know the content of the photostats that Frankhouser first tried to peddle to the FBI shortly after the Kennedy assassination and then a few years later to New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison.39 Curious as to what Frankhouser might have had up his sleeve, the FBI – clearly through the use of informants – obtained copies of the documents Frankhouser wanted to send to Garrison. The lead FBI Philadelphia Office FBI Agent on the 1967 case, William Edward Davis, may even have been the very same "Agent Davis" that Frankhouser mentioned in the 20 November 1975 New Solidarity article.40 From an FBI summary of Frankhouser's activities dated 16 June 1967:

Roy E. Frankhouser of Reading, Pennsylvania, is active in the Ku Klux Klan activities in Pennsylvania. He has been described as having grandiose plans which never materialize. He has also been described by a source close to him as a liar and a braggart. In March, 1967, we received information Frankhouser planned to send some letters which he possessed, contents unknown, to the New Orleans District Attorney James C. Garrison. Attached memorandum disclosed Frankhouser had located the letters of interest and plans to send them to Garrison. A source close to Frankhouser has made copies of the data available to the Philadelphia Office. The contents do not make sense and do not appear to be related in any way to the assassination of President Kennedy.

The FBI files also show how the Bureau first became aware of Frankhouser's claims.41 From an FBI summary dated 28 June 1967 by Special Agent Davis:@@42

FRANKHOUSER claims he has information of value to the New Orleans DA GARRISON in his investigation of the KENNEDY assassination. . . .
PH-T-I stated on March 31, 1967, that ROY FRANKHOUSER had expressed a desire to get from his (FRANKHOUSER's) files and records, which are in a secure place but not readily available, some letters from a man named PAYNE (phonetic). FRANKHOUSER stated that he intends to send them to New Orleans Parish District Attorney GARRISON for his assistance in the investigation he is conducting into the assassination of President KENNEDY. FRANKHOUSER did not say what connection these letters had with the assassination, if any.
PH T-6 advised April 5, 1967, that ROY FRANKHOUSER attended a meeting of about 60 to 75 people in Media, Pa., on March 23, 1967, at which he publicly stated that he had given information to two FBI agents concerning the assassination of President KENNEDY. He said that he had offered to testify before the Warren Commission but was never called because the FBI suppressed his evidence, which had to do with a man named PAYNE. FRANKHOUSER said he had met PAYNE while infiltrating communist training schools in the area. FRANKHOUSER also claimed he had met with Russian Agents in the apartment of HELENA RUBENSTEIN while acting as a double agent.
PH-T-1 on May 13, 1967, advised that FRANKHOUSER had made further inquiries regarding what he referred to as the "PAYNE letters." FRANKHOUSER insisted they had to be in his files because they could only be there or in the custody of ED LOTZ, and LOTZ denied having them. FRANKHOUSER said that he had been in touch with "GARRISON" and he expected to be subpoenaed. It is very urgent that he find these letters.
PH T-1 advised May 16, 1967, that an exhaustive search had been conducted of FRANKHOUSER's correspondence files, which contain mostly very old material, including propaganda of many white supremacy groups, but that nothing had been located relating to the assassination of President KENNEDY, New Orleans, or Dallas, or anything else that appeared to be the material FRANKHOUSER said he had. The name PAYNE, or any variation thereof, had not been located in any of FRANKHOUSER's material.

Just a few days later, however, a source informed the FBI that Frankhouser finally found the material that he had been seeking:

PH T-1 advised on May 20, 1967, that FRANKHOUSER had located the following material:
1) A membership card in the Young Socialist League (undated) in the name ROY HOUSER.

As for the second item, here now is the complete letter that the FBI managed to photocopy from one of its informants:43

March 23, 1960
Dear Comrade BARRETT:
Hearing of the formation of the Socialist Discussion Club at the University of Iowa through the Young Socialist, and that you were the chairman of it, the undersigned sends fraternal greetings.
This is because, like yourself, we are former paratroopers (82nd Airborne Division) and thought it fitting that we should let you know that former members of a military brotherhood that you once belonged to are also with you in a youth movement that opposes Militarism and War but which nonetheless may be called upon in the carrying out of its liberoly task to display courage and daring even greater than that required by the Paratroops.44
GEORGE LARRABEE (PFC 105th A.T.R. 82nd Airborne [19]51-53) is an editorial Board Member of the Young Socialist and Young Socialist Supporters National Committee under the name of GEORGE PAYNE. (See Young Socialist March issue cartoon.)
ROY FRANKHOUSER ( )45 still jumps with the Pennsylvania Airborne Rangers, but only as part of the air rescue branch of the Rangers, not the commando end of it. The air rescue team will parachute to the assistance of any plane crash survivors irrespective of their military or civilian status.
As an organizer for the ILGWU and as a Socialist, I, GEORGE LARRABEE, have met three veterans of the World War II 82nd Airborne, two union organizers, the other a member of the Socialist Workers Party. Having met many other veterans in these categories, and looking upon ourselves, could this mean something?
New York City, N.Y.
/s/ (unsigned)
Reading, Pa.

The FBI report continues:

The above-mentioned source advised June 9, 1967, that ROY FRANKHOUSER had reviewed the above two items and appeared overjoyed that they had been located. FRANKHOUSER indicated that these were the items he had been looking for to send to New Orleans District Attorney GARRISON in the near future. This source pointed out, as he has in the past, that FRANKHOUSER is a liar, a braggart, and often makes impressive statements he never carries out.

After reading the letter, the FBI remained utterly mystified as to what any of it had to do with the murder of John F. Kennedy.


Although the FBI couldn't understand what Frankhouser was up to, he clearly was thrilled to find these two items. The first, his membership card in the Young Socialist League (YSL) under the name "Roy Houser," was no doubt proof positive that he had indeed infiltrated the New York Left.46 As for the YSL, it functioned as the youth organization of the Trotskyist International Socialist League (ISL). The ISL's longtime leader Max Shachtman had been a former leading member of the SWP. In April 1940, however, Shachtman broke with the SWP and created the Workers Party, later renamed the ISL in the 1950s. By the late 1950s, Shachtman felt there was no point to continue to embrace to old Leninist model of revolution. As he gradually became more favorable to aspects of U.S. policy in the Cold War, he looked towards organized social democracy and in 1958 Shachtman dissolved the ISL into the Socialist Party. Yet not every one of Shachtman's followers agreed with his decision. According to one Shachtman biographer:

About a third of the Socialist Youth League refused to follow him into the Socialist Party. About half of the Socialist youth rejected his turn to the Democratic Party. The Young Socialist Alliance (linked to the Socialist Workers Party), the third-camp journal New Politics, and the Independent Socialist Clubs were all founded in these years, turning away from Shachtman's social democratic outlook toward the radical impulses of the 1960s.47

The most radical minority in the YSL led by Tim Wohlforth, Shane Mage, and James Robertson now gravitated to a new project launched by the long-time radical A.J. Muste. In the wake of the Soviet 20th Party Congress, Muste founded the American Forum for Socialist Education in New York to try to develop a new radical movement composed of former CPUSA supporters who had left the party over revelations about Stalin, the SWP, and other independent militants.48 Future SWP leader Barry Sheppard recalls:

The YSL minority, about 30 people, joined in this process of "regroupment." One result was the launching of united independent socialist election campaigns in California and New York, in which the SWP played a major role. . . . The most important result of regroupment was the formation of Young Socialist newspaper and the Young Socialist Alliance in New York. The leaders of the YSL minority had been won over to the SWP and they became the leadership core of the YSA. The new youth group was called an "alliance" because its members came from the YSL minority, the younger members of the SWP, ex-LYL [former members of the Communist Party's Labor Youth League] and previously unaffiliated youth.49

The attempted CP-SWP "regroupment" first bore fruit at a 1957 May Day rally held at Central Plaza Hall in the East Village sponsored by the Committee for Socialist Unity. At the meeting SWP and CP representatives spoke on the same platform for the first time since 1928.50

"Roy Houser," then, really did infiltrate into this world through the YSL and the New York-based Young Socialist Alliance which published Young Socialist. As for the Larrabee-Frankhouser letter to the head of the socialist discussion group at the University of Iowa, it was written on 23 March 1960 or just a few weeks before the official founding of the YSA at an inaugural conference held in Philadelphia from 15-17 April 1960.51 As it also just so happened, Philadelphia also was where Frankhouser's infiltration of the SWP first began.


Thanks to newly-declassified FBI files, we now know far more about Frankhouser's role in the SWP, an affiliation that may have had its roots in Reading's own political history. Besides being a major center for the German-American Bund in Pennsylvania in the 1930s, Reading developed a strong socialist movement. Reading even elected J. Henry Stump, who ran for mayor on the Socialist Party ticket, three times in 1927-1931, 1935-1939, and 1943-1947. In the 1947 election, Stump only lost by less than 200 votes. Reading was the home city of the Socialist Party's Darlington Hoopes, a lawyer and long-time SP member who ran as the SP's presidential candidate in both the 1952 and 1956 elections. Hoopes first came to Reading in the late 1920s to serve in Stump's first government as an assistant city solicitor. He went on to serve three terms in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives under the Socialist Party banner. In 1944, he ran as the party's vice-presidential candidate on a ticket headed by Norman Thomas. In the late 1950s, the "Socialist Party-Social Democratic Federation" still maintained an office at 27 Reed Street in Reading.

After returning the Reading from the Army, Frankhouser began reading SP-SDF literature. The FBI learned in early May 1959 that Frankhouser had two local SP-SDF publications. One was a small booklet entitled "The Parable of the Water Tank" by the famed late 19th century American socialist Edward Bellamy that the SP-SDF distributed. He also had an SP-SDF leaflet entitled "Unemployment Hurts Everybody." Tellingly, Frankhouser wrote on the back of the leaflet, "It's too bad that too many Socialists don't understand that the Negro means the end of both Civilization and that means the end of Socialism too." Frankhouser, then, may have been genuinely interested in some of the policies of socialism even as he fought integration.52


In June 1959, just as Frankhouser was becoming involved with the Left, a bizarre incident happened which was soon reported to the FBI. During this time Frankhouser was a regular at the local Civil Air Patrol (CAP) and he practiced parachute jumping with the Berks County Parachute Club. On 30 June 1959, the Ranger Team Commander of the local Civil Air Patrol (CAP) group called the "Para-Rangers" telephoned the FBI to report a strange incident:

Last weekend the CAP had a practice problem in night tactics, in preparation for forthcoming exercises. The group was split up and some of them attempted to infiltrate positions protected by the remainder of the group. FRANKHOUSER was one of the men assigned to attempt penetration of the "enemy lines," and was sent off alone. One of the men in the group later reported to Captain ____ that he had been near FRANKHOUSER when the latter apparently thought he was alone, because suddenly subject stood up, extended his clenched fist and said aloud, "I am now a member of the greatest Army in the world, the United Armies of the Soviet Union."

Yet another report on Frankhouser's statements to his CAP Para-Ranger comrades was reported by the same CAP commander on 31 March 1960. This time he told the FBI that:

Subject is also reported to have told some of the other Rangers about a month ago that he would like to go to Cuba to join (FIDEL) CASTRO. On this same occasion which occurred when the Rangers were temporarily snowbound while on an overnight hike near Hawk Mountain, he also entertained the group with some of the historical background of the Russian Army and the Nazi Army under Hitler.

Needless to say, all this only reinforced the FBI's view that Frankhouser might well be insane. As one FBI agent commented upon reading the report about Frankhouser's praise of Russia, "The above action on the part of subject seems to substantiate previous indications that he is mentally unbalanced. . . ." Yet Frankhouser's interest in both the Soviet Union and Cuba may have had even deeper roots. On 18 January 1960, the FBI received a report that Frankhouser carried out regular telephone conversations with one Fred Polzin of Parkesburg, Pennsylvania, located in Chester County, and not very far from both Reading and Philadelphia. From the FBI report:

___ exhibited a few items which ROY had left lying around and several were from the aforementioned ___. A letter addressed to ROY at __ home bore the return address of ______, Parkesburg, Pa. Literary Agent and Importer of Foreign Publications. The letter proper, which is dated January 11, 1960, reads: "Thanks for your call this evening. It's good to hear from one with similar interests. I'm usually home after 5, Saturday afternoon and Sunday, but better call or drop a card before to be sure. Enclosed is some printed matter. I hope to have a new booklet out within a week.

The FBI report continued:

___ stated that she had seen several items ROY got from ___, but could only find one, a leaflet from the April, 1958 RIGHT Newsletter, described as Tract #5 advertising an article by FREDERICK CHARLES F. WEISS, Middletown, N.Y. WEISS is described as a German, " Rightist," and mentions "Western Decadence" but in terms of combating this decadence to prevent defeat by Russia. One copy of this leaflet is attached. She also recalled that one pamphlet was captioned "Quo Vadis, Homo?" which she admitted she did not understand.
She stated that ROY had called ___ one evening, but she had not overheard the conversation. Immediately afterwards, however, ROY called ___ at the ___ home. He told ___ that he had talked to ___ and that ___ had seen "the KKK business" and had tried to call ROY. (___ assumes ROY was referring to the KKK publicity which appeared in the Reading Record some months ago.)
ROY told ___ (on this occasion on the phone) that ___ stated he has a printing press they can use, and has offered to come here and help us organize. According to ROY, ___ said "when you get big enough you can fight back, even if the Papers learn of your organization."

Fred Polzin owned a printing press and he regularly printed tracts by his friend Fred Weiss. Polzin served as the secretary of Truth Seeker, a "scientific racist" and proudly atheist publication out of New York City run by Charles Lee Smith.53 Truth Seeker held regular "racist forums" in Manhattan which served in part as a "cover" for meetings by the far-right National Renaissance Party (NRP), officially led by James Madole but bankrolled for a long time by Fred Weiss. Not surprisingly, Polzin was a member of the NRP. Polzin regularly published and distributed Weiss's writings while Truth Seeker issued the first American edition of Francis Parker Yockey's classic far-right manifesto Imperium in 1962 with support from Fred Weiss. The Truth Seeker/NRP network in New York served as a key connection for Roger Pearson's Northern League for Pan-European Friendship, whose American headquarters in Newport News, Virginia, doubled as the headquarters for the Virginia White Citizens Council. Frankhouser, a proud member of the Northern League, attended NRP events in New York City.

For our purposes, however, what is most important about Frankhouser's ties to Polzin is that Polzin – whose father the FBI discovered had been a member of the Pennsylvania Communist Party in 1943 – promoted the Weiss-Yockey argument that the radical right should align with Russia. The NRP even held public forums in support of Castro's Cuba. For Weiss, charges that the Soviet Union supported anti-Semitism only proved his point. Frankhouser's fascination with both the Soviet Union and Cuba may be less an indication that he was schizophrenic and more evidence that he had adopted a "Yockeyist" point of view.


As we have seen, just at the time that Frankhouser became interested in the Left first through the SP-SDF, the organization was undergoing a major shift as the left wing of ISL resisted the merger with Norman Thomas's SP. This same group (led by Tim Wohlforth and James Robertson) later become the first national leadership of the SWP's YSA just two years later. The SWP's role in the emergence of the YSA dates back to the "regroupment period" after the 20th Party Congress of the CPSU. In an attempt to unite the left following the 20th Party Congress revelations about Stalin, the Young Socialist Forum (YSF) was formed in New York City. It included leftist youth from many different political points of view from Trotskyists to American SP members to former members of the "Gates faction" of the CP who had left the party to circles around the National Guardian. Some of the most active youth were members of American Youth for Socialism, the Left Wing Caucus of the Young Socialist League (YSL), and former members of the CP's Labor Youth League (LYL). The YSF included among its members Frankhouser's future friend George Larrabee.

In October 1957, those individuals from the Young Socialist Forum who were most drawn to the SWP's brand of Trotskyism created their own paper entitled Young Socialist, which was published as a monthly out of New York City. In essence, this group functioned as part of the leadership of the SWP's new youth organization, the Young Socialist Alliance (YSA), which had yet to become a fully national organization. In an attempt to help launch the YSA on the path to a national organization, a national conference of "Young Socialist supporters" was held on 27-28 December 1958 to lay the grounds for a new nation-wide youth movement. Frankhouser's involvement with this "new left" led him to spend his weekends in the Philadelphia area. From a 29 October 1959 FBI report: "According to ____, subject [Frankhouser] is becoming increasingly interested in Socialism, and has been going to Philadelphia weekends, where he attends, so he says, Socialist meetings."

Frankhouser gravitated to the SWP local in Philadelphia whose secretary was a long time SWP member named Morris Chertov. Frankhouser later told the FBI that in October 1959 he went to New York City as a guest of a local SWP leader to attend an "Independent Socialist Federation" gathering. According to Frankhouser, "This meeting was attended by representatives of all the groups . . . (including the Communists) and was held for the purpose of planning a concerted program to advance the aims of all these groups." During this same month, Frankhouser obtained his "Roy Hauser" membership card in the Young Socialist League. We know this because he later showed his card to FBI agents in the FBI's Reading office on 23 January 1960 when Frankhouser suddenly appeared to talk about his activity. According to a 25 January 1960 FBI report:

Subject exhibited a small yellow card with red printing on it reading "Young Socialist Supporter." The number "243" was typed on it and the date and name "10/12/59" and "ROY HOUSER" were printed on it in blue ink. Subject at the time said he used the alias HOUSER to conceal his real identity, and attended this meeting only to get ideas. He is not in agreement with the Communists or Socialists ideas, especially their pro-Negro and anti-segregationist feelings. He belongs to the groups, the Northern League and the White Citizens Councils, and stated that he is attempting to adopt the best features of these groups, and by a process of education promote segregation.


Just one month after Frankhouser became a "card-carrying" Young Socialist supporter, he organized a meeting in Reading where SWP National Secretary Farrell Dobs – also the SWP 1960 candidate for President – spoke to an audience of some 10 people. An FBI report dated 1 December 1959 laconically noted: "It will be noted that ___ and ___ have advised that FARRELL DOBBS, the SWP National Secretary, spoke at a house residence in Reading, Pa., on 11/16/59, possibly at the residence of one (FNU) [first name unknown] ____, Reading, Pa."

The FBI received a detailed description of the two-hour forum from one of its Reading informants. She told the FBI that in organizing for the Dobbs talk, Frankhouser "had been in touch with the NAACP, and with DARLINGTON HOOPES, and a few Negroes may attend, as well as HOOPES. Roy also expects several Albright College students to attend." Unfortunately, since Dobbs' talk only was attended by about 10 people, "the poor attendance made ROY so angry he went out and sat alone on the front porch for a time." As for "Dobbs," the informant reported that:

his speech was very quiet and not the "rabble rousing type" she had expected. ___ stated that the speech was completely over her head, and she had difficulty following its trend. DOBBS quoted statistics extensively, and mentioned that in 1960 the working class should have a political party of their own to combat capitalism. DOBBS repeatedly referred to the poor farmers and the poor workers. . . . ___ advised that apparently DOBBS was speaking over the heads of all present, except possibly ___. He used the term "militant" several times.
In the question and answer period that followed, ___ asked what "militant" meant, and DOBBS explained that the workers must fight for their rights, instead of letting the capitalist bosses work them to death. DOBBS said something to the effect that "no one wants war, but we must use force if necessary, and if we are in the majority to accomplish our ends." The meeting ended about 11 PM . . . . ___ could not elaborate further on what transpired as it was most boring and confusing to her, and she had trouble staying awake.


Despite the poor attendance at the Reading forum, Frankhouser's interest in the SWP and its Young Socialist youth front continued unabated. Just a few days after the Reading gathering, Frankhouser attended another meeting, this time at the SWP's Mountain Spring Camp in New Jersey. From an FBI report dated 23 November 1959:

____, Reading, Pa., telephonically advised as follows: Yesterday (11/19/59) she observed ROY FRANKHOUSER with a mimeographed paper describing a "Socialist Encampment" to be held November 20-22, 1959 at Mountain Spring Camp, N.J. The paper described the affair as a Young Socialist Encampment, and gave directions for reaching Mountain Spring Camp, indicating it was about two (2) miles from Washington, N.J. The fee for the full 2-1/3 days was $10. ____ stated that ROY tried to borrow $10 from her and being unable to do so packed his duffle bag, sleeping bag and took some staples and canned food. He told her he was going to attend this meeting and left, saying he was going to hitchhike. If anyone else was going with him, subject did not say.

The Mountain Springs conclave was attended by members of Young Socialist Supporter Clubs from Boston, New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore. Yet another FBI informant who met Frankhouser at the "Socialist Encampment" told the FBI that from conversations with Frankhouser, he ascertained that "FRANKHOUSER was from Reading, Pa., and is in the process of establishing a Young Socialist Supporter Club in Reading." Most relevant for our purposes, it was here that Frankhouser first met George and Carol Larrabee.

When Frankhouser finally returned to Reading, the FBI learned that he brought back a long list of books including Economic and Philosophical Manuscript of 1844, Critique of the Gotha Program, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, as well as On Capital, The Revolutionary Act. Military Insurrection or Political and Economic Action (an Engels' pamphlet published by the Socialist Labor Party's New York Labor News Co. that came with an appendix by Daniel De Leon) and tracts like Socialism Answers and Underneath Antisemitism (both by the Socialist Labor Party's Eric Hass) and Economics for Beginners by John Keracher, the founder of the Proletarian Party of America in the 1920s and whose members later ran the famed U.S radical publisher Charles Kerr and Co. After returning from Mountain Spring, Frankhouser also attended local SWP functions like the Militant Labor Forums held at 1303 West Girard Avenue which doubled as the headquarters of the Benjamin Franklin Masonic Lodge of the AMORC Rosicrucian Order, and from which the SWP apparently rented space for talks.


While the extent of Frankhouser's activities inside East Coast left remains murky, George Larrabee's history is much clearer. In the 6 February 1966 issue of New York Times, the then 31-year old Larrabee was interviewed at one of the early anti-Vietnam war protests by former Vets. Larrabee stood out at the rally because he was holding an American flag embroidered with a large "76" on it. Larrabee told the Times that he came from an old Vermont family that traced its roots back to the Revolutionary War. "There were at least four Larrabees in the Battle of Bennington in 1776," he explained, "so I thought it would be appropriate to bring this personal trophy along today." Larrabee further stated that he had been a member of the 505th Airborne of the U.S. Army which was a brigade unit of the 82nd Airborne. He also told the Times that he was now working as a commercial artist in New York City. Carol White reports that George Larrabee

had been a paratrooper briefly but because he father deserted his mother he was discharged and went home to support her and her two younger brothers. He worked in the local paper mill at that time. He got a lead, I don't know how, and through that was trained and hired as an ILGWU organizer. Perhaps he went for training in Boston. I don't know that. Since he was working in western PA he did not attend local [New York YSA/SWP] meetings.

The most detailed description of Larrabee political views comes from the fall 1957 issue of International Socialist Review (18/4), the SWP theoretical journal. Although the cite is fairly long and somewhat cumbersome to read, I quote it in full because it is the only real summary of Larrabee's thinking about leftist politics during that time. From the International Socialist Review:

Among the items that have reached our desk since last issue, we would like to single out a circular signed by George Larrabee, Organizational Chairman of the National Committee for a United Socialist Alliance, which is headed by the Rev. Hugh Weston of Boston. Larrabee, who is deeply interested in the regroupment of socialist forces in America, says that as a young worker of twenty-three, he became engaged in the unity movement among radical youth rather than in the adult movement after recently leaving Boston and coming to New York.
He reports encouraging developments in America's largest city. The Left Wing Caucus of the Young Socialist League, together with youth around the Socialist Workers party and sympathizers of The American Socialist have organized the Young Socialist Forum. Its first public discussions "have been highly successful, attracting youth of myriad tendencies, LYLers [Labor Youth League] and even some just becoming interested in the issue of socialism." He urges "unstinting support" for the Young Socialist Forum and asks those who are interested to write Tim Wohlforth, 305 E. 21st St., New York City.
"On the adult plane of the Left regroupment question," Larrabee continues, "since I have been in New York I have been more and more drawn towards the idea of building unity around some one of the existing parties, one with a clear and honest program, with a serious and determined policy, rather than a mere plea for unity in the abstract, on a vague and program-less call for unity. We have just about passed the stage where we have to call for a discussion of unity . . . those who have made up their minds for or against it by and large are not going to change. So now the questions of who we can actually unite with, rather than who we WANT to unite with, have come to the fore, and on what basis, on what principles."
In Larrabee's opinion a radical party is needed, "made up of several similar groupings, in the democratic American tradition, but completely united on the important questions that really count." The tradition Larrabee would like to see embodied in the new party begins with Thomas Paine, Sam Adams, Jefferson and Lincoln, includes Marx, Engels and Lenin, and ends with Debs, Luxemburg and Trotsky.
"For guidance in 1957 we should look to the modern adherents of Lenin and Trotsky and investigate the ideas of such anti-Stalinist (anti-bureaucratic degeneration) Communists and Left Socialists as George Lukacs (Hungary, now in exile within the Soviet orbit) and Wolfgang Harich (Communist professor imprisoned by the East German regime) and Milovan Djilas of Yugoslavia, whose new book The New Class is being falsely hailed as a work against Communism." Larrabee declares that he "might not agree on everything with them" and that "all such theorists and leaders who have recently broken with Stalinism (or Rightist Socialism, for that matter) should be measured against those ORIGINAL Bolsheviks who stood up against Stalin while at the same time refusing to capitulate to the Right, the Trotskyites."
To Larrabee, Peter Fryer, "who broke with Stalinism in the midst of the Hungarian revolt as a Daily Worker reporter in that country . . . symbolizes the world-wide coming together of principled Left Socialists with Communists and Soviet sympathizers breaking with Stalinism, taking up the banner so long upheld by a comparative handful of isolated and vilified Trotskyists." After investigating, Larrabee says that he changed his mind about the Socialist Workers party, which represents the Trotskyist viewpoint in America. "I previously regarded the SWP as a hidebound, dogmatic, moss-grown and sterile little sect, but I have changed my views on it, and can see that between the pro-Democratic Party Stalinist-dominated sect called the Communist Party and the respectability-seeking reformists called the ISL and SP-SDF, it is the only clear-cut and substantial party worth rallying to."
Larrabee urges
"all socialists who are honest with themselves to seriously take up and study the literature of the Trotskyist movement if they would like to make genuine contributions to the unity process and the creating of an eventual mass party of Socialism. I do not say this as a Trotskyite myself, for . . . I have not had the opportunity to study the vast works of Trotsky as I would like to.
"I have merely been able to read a little and talk with members of the Socialist Workers party enough to become certain that here we have the opportunity to find the answers to many burning questions and that here we have serious-minded and dedicated people to work with toward common goals. SWP members are sincere and devoted people with firm ideas, not being marked by cynicism and 'sophistication' that we find in other socialist circles, not concerning themselves with clever schemes for 'advancing' Socialism via Norman Thomas and the Democratic party, quiet Fabian societies or other allegedly 'realistic' methods."
"For further clarification on these questions, I suggest that you read How to Build an Anti-Monopoly Coalition in the summer issue of the International Socialist Review . . . The article begins . . . with William F. Warde'sThe Rise and Fall of Progressivism but I found the second part . . . by Joseph Hansen, What the Job Takes, the most enlightening. Both Warde and Hansen are expert Marxists, and people who have been reading only The Worker, the National Guardian, or the Monthly Review are depriving themselves of some really penetrating thought if they have not been reading the International Socialist Review. A debate between Harvey O'Connor and the editors in the spring ISR is another article that I suggest reading."
While he holds that the SWP is still too "narrow and purist" and not the "broad Lenin-Debs party that I want to see," Larrabee believes that "it is flexible and democratic enough to eventually become a party" attractive to varied types. We are willing to admit that we found Larrabee's report pleasing as well as instructive. We especially liked his enthusiasm over what the Trotskyist movement has to offer. We hope the account of his experience will help convince others of the need to investigate this much misrepresented movement as he did.54

George Larrabee's comments reflect the views of an extremely well-read member of what would evolve into the "New Left" in the 1960s. But while Larrabee's comments are quite interesting in understanding the very early origins of the New Left, I have quoted them in their entirely for a very different purpose. Does anything that Larrabee wrote either to International Socialist Review in late 1957 – or for that matter in his letter to the socialist forum leader at the University of Iowa in March 1960, or his 19 December 1960 letter to the editor of the Militant – suggest someone so delusional that he would become involved in a secret paramilitary plot to break Martin Luther King out of jail as well as to plan the murder of both Birmingham, Alabama, Sheriff "Bull" Connor and President Dwight Eisenhower?

On the other hand, the SWP did put out policy statements almost guaranteed to attract segregationist wrath. On 21 May 1963, for example, the New York Times reported that the SWP's National Committee demanded that President Kennedy supply weapons to blacks in Birmingham, Alabama. According to the SWP, "Able-bodied men chosen by Birmingham's Negro community should be immediately deputized and armed by the Federal Government for that community's self-defense and to exercise police powers therein."

The SWP had long supported the right of blacks in the South to arm themselves against attack, a position the party held as far back as 1958 when the SWP publicly embraced Robert F. Williams, a leftist U.S. Army veteran who became the militant leader of the NAACP chapter in Monroe, North Carolina. In 1958 the Militant filled its pages with support for Williams, who became best known for advocating "armed self defense" against racist whites. With organizational support from the SWP, Williams toured the nation, speaking at labor halls, liberal churches, and college campuses. In a series of debates held in New York City (one at New York's Community Church on 1 October 1959 and the other at Libertarian Center on 23 October 1959), Williams publicly challenged A.J. Muste, Bayard Rustin, David Dellinger, and other Gandhi-inspired activists over the question of armed resistance versus total nonviolence.55 That same October Roy Frankhouser said he attended an "Independent Socialist Federation" meeting in New York City with a Philadelphia SWP leader. Hence it is not impossible that Frankhouser did encounter some leftists in New York in the SWP orbit who viewed "non-violent resistance" with disdain and hoped to woo the Pennsylvania ex-paratrooper into some kind of militant support network for the struggle then unfolding in the deep South.56


Finally, we must ask how Roy Frankhouser could believe that a membership card in the YSL and a letter to the head of a socialist forum at the University of Iowa would be of any value to the FBI, the Warren Commission, Jim Garrison or a Senate Select Committee in throwing new light on the JFK assassination.

It may be that Frankhouser thought that by "proving" he had some connection to the New York SWP in the late 1950s, he could sell a far more convoluted story about a leftist plot to kill Kennedy. In February 1964 – around the time Frankhouser says he tried to approach the Warren Commission – the far-right leader and virulent anti-Semite Revilo P. Oliver published the first of a two-part series of articles in the John Birch Society journal American Opinion (wittily entitled "Marxmanship in Dallas") where Oliver tried to argue that Kennedy was killed by a communist plot.57 Frankhouser may have believed that those two pieces of paper that he finally found in June 1967 were a passé-partout that would open all doors and allow him to spin a grim story of conspiratorial Marxist murder mayhem to one and all.

At the time Frankhouser worked with George Larrabee, Larrabee was married to the woman who would soon become Lyndon LaRouche's companion. Did Carol and George Larrabee invite Frankhouser to attend an "International Scientific Socialist" meeting in New York? In 1960 the Larrabees were members of the YSA/SWP. The SWP regularly held Friday night talks in New York City under the title "Militant Labor Forums." They took place at the SWP's national headquarters at 116 University Place not far from Union Square in Greenwich Village. These talks were free and open to the public. The Friday night talks and other local leftist events were regularly advertised in the "Weekly Calendar" that appeared in each issue of the Militant. If the Larrabees took Frankhouser to a Militant Labor Forum talk or another SWP event where LaRouche was present, it is possible that Frankhouser was telling the truth when he said he first met LaRouche ("Lynn Marcus") during his time in New York.58 LaRouche, however, denies it. Nor does Carol remember any such meeting.

What we do know is that George Larrabee and Roy Frankhouser remained friends at least till the late autumn of 1960. An FBI report dated 22 November 1960 reports on a letter postmarked 31 October 1960 and sent from New York to Frankhouser's Reading address. According to the FBI report, 'the letter is purportedly written by ____, New York, 14, N.Y., who is a professed Socialist, a member of the ILGWU and a former ___. From the tenor of the letter he and Frankhouser are fairly well acquainted." Clearly the sender of the letter was Larrabee who earlier had identified himself in the letter he and Frankhouser were to co-sign as "an organizer for the ILGWU." Hence it seems almost certain that Frankhouser maintained his YSA/SWP connections to Larrabee throughout most of 1960.59

Carol White believes that any contact George Larrabee may have had with Frankhouser was minimal at best:

I told Lyn and the NEC crowd about George Larrabee's interchanges with Frankhouser. They met at Mountain Lakes Camp where we were vacationing (I guess there may have been some lectures too at the time, I don't remember.) George and Frankhouser met at the bar one evening and reminisced over their joint experience as paratroopers and Frankhouser then spewed a lot of anti-Semitic stuff to George, telling him he should leave me and join his right wing group (whichever he was pushing at the time). George told him to get lost. One time he called our home and I picked up the phone. George told him he wasn't interested in more contact with him and that as far as I know ended it.

After Frankhouser began his strange relationship with the Labor Committee in the mid-1970s, Carol recognized his name and warned the organization about him, to no avail:

I definitely remembered Roy Frankhauser but Lyn refused to believe my account. He also said that Mountain Lakes, the SWP camp, was used for secret stuff, as per Roy's briefings to security, but I thought that was ridiculous. Really I didn't know, but I certainly never came on any. There was a lake, a recreation area, cabins to sleep in and some grass to hang out in. Also some structure where conferences and classes were held (maybe the mess hall which was definitely separated from the recreation area).


Following Roy Frankhouser's paper trail, there can be little doubt that the strange 20 November 1975 New Solidarity story about the JFK assassination did in some way reflect reality like a fun house mirror. Yet at the end of the day, the mystery as to why Frankhouser thought his experiences had any bearing on the Kennedy assassination remains utterly obscure. To add to the strangeness of it all are the blatant mistakes in the New Solidarity article from the misspellings of names to other errors of basic fact. What is certain, however, is that this article helped signal the NCLC's decision to publicly embrace Frankhouser as a close ally. From at least the summer of 1975 to the NCLC's trial in Boston in the late 1980s, LaRouche and his Security Staff not only defended Roy Frankhouser legally but even made him a paid consultant. But did the bizarre LaRouche-Frankhouser connection really begin sometime in late 1974 or early 1975? Or did it have deeper roots that went as far back as the late 1950s, almost a decade before the NCLC existed. Was it pure accident that the NCLC's Security Staff further developed close ties to far rightists like Frankhouser's friend and fellow Minuteman Ken Duggan in the spring of 1974? Or that the NCLC reportedly "investigated" the NRP allegedly on behalf of the Iraqi government, a government whose ties to the NRP dated back to the late 1950s when the NRP distributed pro-Iraqi literature in New York City?60

When Frankhouser claimed inside knowledge about the Kennedy assassination, had he actually stumbled upon some kind of strange network inside the YSA/SWP that he simply misunderstood? Was he really approached by a mysterious organization and falsely assumed that the man who used the name "Payne" was actually Michael Paine? Or was Frankhouser part of some plan to create such an organization as some kind of "cover"? Could Frankhouser also have discovered something about LaRouche? In short, was the strange New Solidarity article purportedly about Frankhouser's knowledge of the Kennedy assassination really more like a distant mirror reflecting a series of events that dated back to the late 1950s? Or was all this really and truly just a strange coincidence that had no bearing on LaRouche's later embrace of Frankhouser?


Starting sometime in 1959 and continuing well into 1960, Roy Frankhouser cultivated connections inside the American Left and the SWP in particular. At that very same time, Frankhouser worked for a series of far right groups, the most important of them being the violent National States Rights Party (NSRP), the KKK and the White Citizens Councils (WCC).61 Frankhouser (like Willis Carto) also joined the Northern League for Pan-European Friendship sometime in either 1958 or 1959. The Northern League, although little known today, served as a critical link between the West European and American far right.62 In 1961, Frankhouser helped arrange for his closest comrade in Reading (and fellow Northern League and NSRP member) to visit England for a one-month visit starting on 29 April. His friend spent time in the company of the British Nationalist Party (BNP) before attending the "Northern European Camp" sponsored by "the Northern European Ring" on 20-26 1961.63 The FBI reported that the Northern European Ring – whose liaison office was at 74 Princedale Road in London – was said to be the "international counterpart of the BNP" with particularly close ties to the Swedish Nordiska Riksparteit. The Northern European Ring also published a journal entitled The Northern European.

Frankhouser's rise inside the ranks of the NSRP was so meteoric that at an NSRP national conference held on 26-27 November 1960 he was officially appointed as the NSRP's "National Organizer." Frankhouser also tried to build up a White Citizens Council branch in Reading. When the NAACP on 23 April 1960 picketed two Reading "Dime Stores" with some thirty protesters, they were met by two counter-demonstrators, one of them Roy Frankhouser. He also worked with William H. Osmond who helped coordinate WCC activities in the Philadelphia region. At a time when the SWP sang the praises of Algerian FLN radicals in the pages of the Militant, Frankhouser wrote a 28 January 1960 letter to the editor of the Reading Eagle in which he bitterly attacked De Gaulle for betraying French white settlers in Algeria. In his letter (signed only as "REF, Jr."), Frankhouser stated:

It seems that the papers here failed to bring out that the basic issue behind the Algerian civil strife is the same one we were told to hang our heads in shame about the time of Little Rock, that little matter of race, or shall we say "race consciousness." . . . The betrayal of the white supremacy of the French settlers in Algeria would lead to the ruination of the European type of civilization that they have built up there. . . . The peace of civil rights in the shadow of bayonets is an uneasy one.64

Frankhouser's "internationalist perspective" didn't stop with Algeria. On 20 April 1960, he told the FBI that "for about the last year" he "had been gathering information relative to racial matters, civil disorder (particularly where racial issues are involved) and any information he can obtain about matters such as a breakdown of percentages of crimes by race." Frankhouser then turned the information "over to ____, who types it up and sends it to several persons in Johannesburg, Union of South Africa." Frankhouser said he was doing all this for the benefit of SABRA (the South African Bureau of Racial Affairs) but that his work is "wholly unsolicited and he is not paid for this 'work.'"


At the very same time Roy Frankhouser was infiltrating the SWP, he was also spying on George Lincoln Rockwell's World Union of Free Enterprise National Socialists (WUFENS)/American Nazi Party. The FBI files also show that Rockwell was despised both by the White Citizens Councils and the NSRP. The NSRP particularly resented Rockwell's praise of J. Edgar Hoover and his FBI. The NSRP may even have supported Dan Burros and John Patler's anti-Rockwell American National Party for just this reason. For his part, Rockwell hated both the NSRP as well as the "Yockeyists" aligned with Fred Weiss and the National Renaissance Party because of their professed sympathy for Russia. (Rockwell put "Free Enterprise" in the title of the WUFENS to distinguish his views from that of groups like the NRP.65) Believing that the FBI had Rockwell's Arlington, Virginia, headquarters under surveillance anyway, in his 20 April 1960 unscheduled meeting with the FBI, Frankhouser stated that he had spent the previous two weekends at Rockwell's headquarters and that he had visited Rockwell's headquarters four times. Frankhouser then said that:

he was not in sympathy with ROCKWELL and his group, and he believes ROCKWELL is hurting the cause of segregation. He is attempting to infiltrate the ROCKWELL group, and then sends all the information he can to the Associated Citizens Councils [the WCC], the group he is really in sympathy with. FRANKHOUSER claimed he had made several outdoor speeches in the area on behalf of the Citizens Councils.

The FBI picked up other reports of far right hostility to Rockwell. Frankhouser was a tremendous admirer of the WCC's then-famous rabblerouser John Kasper. The WCC's man in Philadelphia also was described in the 17 February 1957 edition of the Philadelphia Inquirer as a front man for Kasper whose job was to establish a Philadelphia chapter of Kasper's Seaboard WCC, which, in turn, was affiliated with Roger Pearson's Northern League. The FBI learned that Kasper so disliked Rockwell that he finally disbanded his Seaboard WCC "to prevent GEORGE LINCOLN ROCKWELL from using it."


Even as Roy Frankhouser worked in Philadelphia to penetrate the SWP and other leftist organizations, a similar operation appears to have been undertaken in New York City by a far-right activist named Robert Burros, who later became the number two leader of James Madole's National Renaissance Party. Newly declassified FBI files on the National Renaissance Party include a brief but fascinating mention of Robert Burros, who in early 1965 was the number two leader of the NRP as its International Secretary. (He also held the title of NRP Regional Director.) Along with his friend Daniel Burros, Robert Burros co-edited The Free American: The Battle Organ of Racial Fascism.66

On 23 February 1965, Robert Burros contacted the FBI to request a meeting which then took place on 4 March 1965. At the time Robert Burros lived with his mother at 215 First Street in Newburgh, New York, where he had been born on 29 November 1937. Burros first made it clear to the FBI that he had contacted them with the permission of the NRP's leader James Madole. Burros then told the FBI about the NRP and its program and said he had come to the FBI to provide it with names of possible Communists in the area. Burros also gave the FBI a radical publication that he felt they should know about. From the 3 March 1965 FBI report on the meeting: "Enclosed with the memorandum is the publication "Bulletin of International Socialism." It is volume #2, Issue #4, dated 2/22/65. He said that he had sources in NYC which furnished him this publication. He merely wanted to bring this publication to the FBI's attention."

The obscure Bulletin of International Socialism was the factional publication of a tiny group called the American Committee for the Fourth International (ACFI) headed by Tim Wohlforth. Wohlforth had been the key member of the youth wing of the International Socialist League who refused to merge with the Socialist Party-Social Democratic Federation. Instead, he became the leader of what would ultimately become the SWP's Young Socialist Alliance. In 1964, however, Wohlforth's faction inside the SWP/YSA – which by then had been replaced by a new youth leadership group led by future SWP leader Jack Barnes – left the SWP. However Wohlforth continued to maintain ties with at least one SWP member who wrote for the Bulletin. This individual was Lyndon LaRouche.67

Curious about what Burros was up to, the FBI consulted its files. The agents then discovered that this very same Robert Burros in the late 1950s strongly supported the SWP's "Farrell Dobbs for President Campaign"! In the late 1950s, Robert Burros lived in both Woodside and Elmhurst Queens. The FBI found that the leftist National Guardian on 31 October 1960 published a statement "supporting [Farrell] Dobbs & [Myra] Weiss in 1960 election" that Burros had signed. This same statement appeared in the 31 October 1960 issue of the Militant. On 16 January 1961, Burros wrote another letter to the Militant "criticizing [the] Federal Radiation Council report and advising readers to read World Without War by [the famed scientist and long-time member of the British Communist Party] Dr. John Desmond Bernal." On 9 April 1962 Burros had yet another "letter to the paper telling of a letter to Attorney General Robert Kennedy criticizing his use of the McCarran Act against the CP." Burros' final missive to the Militant that the FBI recorded appeared on 27 August 1962. It was a letter "criticizing Rockefeller." Burros' earliest letter, however, was to the CP paper the Worker. On 8 November 1959 Burros penned a "letter to the editor praising the Peoples Republic of China & Tibet."


During the same period Burros was writing his letters, he was actively working with the NRP. The NRP and other racists even held a stormy protest in his home town of Newburgh on 4 August 1961 at a time when Newburgh's attempt to implement draconian restrictions on access to welfare won fulsome praise from many on the right.68 In late 1965, Burros' political activities were overshadowed by another startling revelation: he was Jewish. In the wake of Dan Burros death at Roy Frankhouser's Reading home on 31 October 1965 – an event played out on the front page of the New York Times – a local Middletown, New York, paper became curious about Robert Burros. Although he was born in Newburgh and spent part of his high school years at the Newburgh Free Academy, Burros transferred to Middletown High School in his junior year. He graduated from Middletown High School in 1955 with "the highest average grade over four years in American history," according to an expose in the Middletown Times Herald Record. Another long-time Middletown resident was none other than Fred Weiss, who owned the "Mount Hope" farm in Middletown. In the 1950s and early 1960s, Weiss regularly commuted from his farm in Middletown to the Yorkville section of Manhattan. It was during this time that Weiss churned out a number of leaflets and pamphlets praising the Soviet Union which Pennsylvania's Fred Polzin dutifully printed and helped distributed. In a 4 November 1965 article entitled "Local Nazi Jewish Too," Middletown Times Herald Record reporter Helen Bloom broke the news in a front page story that began:

"Robert Joseph Burros, regional director and organizer of the extreme right-wing, Neo-Nazi, anti-Semitic, anti-Negro National Renaissance Party (NRP) was born Jewish and was at one time a leftist. Contacted by phone in the party's New York City office, Burros categorically but inconsistently denied any affiliation with the Jewish faith and said his left-wing activities four years ago were done as undercover work for the Federal Bureau of Investigation. . . . Confronted with facts dug from past records in Newburgh and Middletown, Robert Burros coolly but categorically denied them, going as far as to give a different birth date than his mother Marion Burros at 215 First St., Newburgh, gave.69

The Times Herald Record, however, discovered that Robert Burros was born in Newburgh on 29 November 1937 and that his parents were Harry and Marion Burros and that his "religious affiliation" was with a Reform Jewish synagogue, Temple Beth Jacob. According to records supplied to the paper by Rabbi Norman Kahan, Joseph Burros had his bar mitzvah on 26 January 1951 at Temple Beth Jacob. Rabbi Kahan also recalled that in 1957 Burros had written to him and identified himself as the person whom the Rabbi had conducted a bar mitzvah for at Temple Beth Jacob. Rabbi Kahan then recalled that Burros:

"wanted to talk to one of our temple organizations, and, at my request, he sent me some literature he had written. . . . The pamphlet was on the extreme left wing. Burros himself said he was a socialist and that the pamphlet was submitted in an international socialist competition on world peace." Rabbi Kahan said he turned all the information and pamphlets to the FBI at the time "because of the extremism in the literature."

The Times Herald Record tracked down a former high school classmate of Robert Burros named Ronald Cushing who recalled bumping into Burros on a New York City street in 1961. Cushing told the paper:

"I mentioned that I had voted for President Kennedy in 1960 and he said I was wrong to have done that and that I should have voted for the candidate of the Socialist Workers Party. . . . He mentioned Cuba and this was at a time when the United States had broken off diplomatic relations with Cuba, and he was very critical of the American action against Cuba. He called (Fidel) Castro a great man and liberator. I finally said to him that if he liked that type of government as well why doesn't he move to East Germany or Cuba or something of that nature. His reply was that he could do more good here."

Rather than denying these encounters, Burros told reporter Helen Bloom: "I was gathering information as part of my duties with the radical right, which I subsequently turned over to the FBI." When asked about contacting Rabbi Kahan and sending him socialist literature, Burros responded, "That was part of my modus operandi. The whole thing was a cover, an experiment to snare the left." Needless to say, there is no indication at all that Burros had any link to the FBI except the one he himself created.70


On 5 November 1965, the New York Times reported that the leadership of the NRP had decided to remove Robert Burros from his post as Madole's number two man but allowed him to continue as a regional leader. The Times said the party had taken this action because Burros concealed the fact that his father was Jewish. Robert Burros was a "tall blond" who looked like an "Aryan." (Dan Burros also was blond haired and blue eyed.71) Robert Burros told the Times Herald Record his mother was a "pure Aryan" of Lithuanian descent who also supported his NRP activities. He also said his late father – although Jewish – hated Zionism as well as Jews in general:

My father was Jewish, but he saw the viewpoint of the National Renaissance Party. . . . My father was an American patriot, my father always advocated America first, and my father saw that what Zionism was doing to this country was ruinous and was disastrous. My father believed in the supremacy of the white race, my father always spoke in favor of the supremacy of the white race . . . . My father always ridiculed the Jews . . . you see, the Jews . . . he's always preaching that the Jews must control the world and the Jews are so fanatical in this dedication that in order to control the world they are willing to see the rest of the world destroyed so that they can control it. That's how fanatical and paranoid the Jewish nation is. Now my father always opposed this. My father was always an American first. . . . I found the Jewish language and the Jewish culture so alien to me that I just could not assimilate the culture, the religion, the philosophy into my intellectual bloodstream."72

After Dan Burros died, Robert Burros naturally was asked if he had been related to him. Not surprisingly, Robert Burros – who was intent on concealing his own Jewish background – denied any relationship and said the whole thing was merely a coincidence. Nor did the ADL, the American Jewish Committee (AJC), the FBI, and the New York City police have any "information that would show any blood relationship between the two men," according to a 5 November 1965 New York Times report. Yet when Robert Burros met the FBI on 4 March 1965, he told a different story. At that time – a period when Dan Burros' racial identity still remained unknown – Robert Burros stated that he was in fact related to Dan Burros. From the FBI report of Robert Burros' interview: "He [Robert Burros] said that Major DAN BURROS, who was arrested in connection with NRP activities in New York City last year, is related to him as a distant cousin." Were Robert and Daniel Burros "distant cousins" as well as political comrades? Again, it is impossible to say. All that we know is that with the exception of this one interview, Robert Burros always denied any link.

Looking at the strange story of Robert and Daniel Burros, we are confronted with what sounds like a rough draft for a Robert Ludlum novel. Robert and Daniel Burros both were born in 1937. Both had blond hair and blue eyes. Both had fathers who were descended from Russian Jews. Both claimed that they had "Aryan" mothers although in the case of Dan Burros this claim was proven false. For our purposes, however, what is most striking is the fact that Robert Burros seems to have followed a similar script in New York that Roy Frankhouser followed in Philadelphia.


Finally, although Frankhouser's fantastic claim of meeting Lee Harvey Oswald in New York City is so obviously absurd as to be easily dismissed, it should be noted that he wasn't the only far rightist to claim that he had encountered "Oswald" in New York City around the very time the real Lee Harvey Oswald was living in Russia. On 22 November 1963, the day President Kennedy was shot, a strange far rightist who called himself "Steven Yves L'Eandes" (sometimes spelled L'Andes in the press) but whose real name turned out to be Stephen Landesberg made a similar claim about "Oswald."73 Using the name "James Rizzuto," Landesberg told the FBI that "Oswald" had accompanied him to left-wing events in New York City. On at least one occasion while Landesberg tried to disrupt one of these gatherings, he claimed that "Oswald" sat in the back of the room quietly taking photos.74

On 29 November 1963, the front page headline of the New York Post screamed "Oswald Pal Hunted Here." The Post reported that FBI agents were searching Greenwich Village "for a Mississippi-born segregationist who has been linked to Lee Harvey Oswald." The New York Times, Newsday and the Village Voice all ran similar stories.75 The press reports focused on the FBI hunt for the mystery man "Stephen Yves L'Eandes."76 The reporters explained that the FBI probe had been triggered by an "informant" who had contacted radio stations and the Village Voice on the day of Kennedy's assassination. The next day, the informant, "James Rizzuto," told the FBI that L'Eandes and Oswald had been active in New York City in 1962 disrupting liberal meetings. The FBI then began to search for the mysterious Mr. L'Eandes. The FBI knew that L'Eandes was a real figure because there were previous press reports about his disruptive activity in Greenwich Village. L'Eandes had even been a guest on Barry Gray's WMCA radio program on 17 November 1961 where he took part in a panel discussion on "CORE Activities in the South."77 At the time L'Eandes presented himself as a representative of the far-right National States Rights Party.

"Steve L'Eandes" first attracted attention at a pro-integration rally held at PS 41 in Greenwich Village in December 1961 that featured then-New York State Assemblyman Mark Lane and Tom Hayden from SDS. Speaking in a convincing Southern drawl and claiming to be an ex-Marine, L'Eandes was such a distracting presence that the police were called. Nor was he acting alone. According to The Village Voice, he was part of a "small minority" of protesters that included a young woman who got into a physical altercation at the event. L'Eandes next surfaced at a 10 January 1962 meeting called by the American Jewish Congress (AJC) to protest an attack by some self-avowed Nazis on a local Greenwich Village rabbi named Kurt Flascher. The 39-year-old Rabbi Flascher was a member of the executive committee of the Congress for Racial Equality (CORE). After a CORE meeting in the Village, he and a few other CORE members were in a restaurant on Seventh Avenue discussing the Eichmann case when "two young men approached, one shouting 'Hitler should have killed all the Jews.' They beat the rabbi, overturned tables and chairs, and fled" according to a report in the 20 December 1961 New York Times.

The 10 January meeting to protest the attack on Rabbi Flascher was particularly important because L'Eandes told the FBI that while he was heckling the proceedings, "he was assaulted by an individual and photographs of this assault [were] taken by Lee Harvey Oswald. This photo was published in the Thunderbolt magazine. Also believed to be at meeting was one Earl Perry, an associate of Oswald." 78 The FBI's Birmingham, Alabama, office then examined back issues of the NSRP's paper, the Thunderbolt, to determine if any such photo existed but with no success.

Later that same month, L'Eandes appeared at the office of The Village Voice intent on placing an ad celebrating Robert E. Lee's birthday. He gave Voice reporter J. R. Goddard his card: "Stephen L'Eandes, Your Man on Campus." It also included a Grand Central Station PO Box. L'Eandes then talked about his links to a mysterious group he called "the Magnolia Rifles."79 On 7 March 1962, "L'Eandes" heckled Hubert Humphrey at a Democratic Party rally in the Village. That same spring, he showed up at the ultra-liberal Judson Memorial Church for a gathering held at the Church's "Hall of Issues." He also attended an NAACP meeting in the Village where he got into yet another fistfight. However, from that point on, he seems to have dropped out of sight.

The FBI finally determined that its informant "James Rizzuto" was really Stephen H. Landesberg of Forest Hills, Queens, a/k/a "Steven Yves L'Eandes." Landesberg, who at the time was living in the Village, was arrested for lying to the FBI and sent to Bellevue hospital for observation. On 6 December 1963, the New York Times ran a brief story on the case under the headline "New Yorker Is Held for Tricking F.B.I.":

A 23-year-old man who had led the Federal Bureau of Investigation on a futile search for a supposed friend of Lee Harvey Oswald was arrested yesterday on a charge of giving false information. Steven H. Landesberg of 66 West 10th Street was later committed by Federal Judge John M. Cannella to Bellevue Hospital for ten days for psychiatric observation.
Landesberg, also known as Steven Yves L'Eandes and James F. Rizzuto, was discharged from the Marine Corps after eight months for a physical disability. His service conduct was officially described as "bizarre" and "unusual." On Nov. 23, the day after the assassination of President Kennedy, Landesberg went to the New York office of the F.B.I.80 He said his name was Rizzuto and he had served with Oswald and L'Eandes in the Marines. He said L'Eandes was a paid agitator. At least once, he said, Oswald photographed a disturbance created by L'Eandes. The agency began an intensive search for L'Eandes in Greenwich Village only to discover, it said, that Landesberg, L'Eandes, and Rizzuto were the same person.

Some obvious questions need to be asked. Why did the FBI take "James Rizzuto" so seriously? After all, the government must have been deluged with crank tips in the wake of President Kennedy's assassination. Second, the New York police department's "Red Squad" known as the Bureau of Special Services and Investigation (BOSSI) maintained a remarkably tight surveillance and informant operation inside the extreme right as well as the extreme left. Although Dan Burros and John Patler's tiny American National Party, for example, "did not get much press attention . . . it did fascinate the special anti-subversive squad of the police department of New York City. The squad knew the names of every member of the party and spot checks were kept on each."81 BOSSI detective Tony Ulasewicz was personally assigned to monitor New York neo-Nazis and Minutemen extremists. He even planted a BOSSI agent in the New York branch of the American Nazi Party.82 Presumably, then, BOSSI would have had its own thick "L'Eandes" file that the FBI could have easily checked. Such a file obviously would have included either a photograph or some other kind of physical description.

One man who doubted the FBI's story almost immediately was Joachim Joesten. In Oswald: Assassin or Fall Guy, published in 1964 by the Soviet-subsidized left-wing publishing house Marzani & Munsell, Joesten cited a Newsday story which reported that after Rizzuto went to the FBI, government agents "made the rounds of bars in Greenwich Village showing a 'color snapshot of a dark-haired, bearded man in his early, or mid-20s.'" In a later essay, "The Case against J. Edgar Hoover," Joesten cites a story in the 30 November 1963 New York Post that reads:

The man the FBI is looking for has been described as about 5 foot 10, slender build, handsome, with brown hair and a large brush-type mustache. He is said to have once described himself as being a member of the Magnolia Rifles, reportedly a Mississippi segregationist group. He has been a frequent figure in the Village during the last two years and has been involved in a number of brawls over racial issues.

Joesten also cites the 6 December 1963 issue of Newsday:

A 23-year-old self-styled student of philosophy, accused of hoaxing the FBI into a massive two-week search for a non-existent Greenwich Village buddy of President Kennedy's assassin, was arrested yesterday and committed for psychiatric observation at Bellevue Hospital. FBI agents arrested Steven Harris Landesberg yesterday morning at his Greenwich Village apartment reported to be at 66 W. 10th St. They accused him of triggering a widespread FBI manhunt for a Stephen Yves L'Andes [sic], who supposedly was closely associated with Lee Harvey Oswald during the assassin's stay in New York in 1962. The FBI had been led to believe that L'Andes could shed important light on the Nov. 22 assassination.
Landesberg identified himself yesterday as a student of philosophy at Columbia University. However, Columbia University officials said that Landesberg was not registered as a student either under his own name or under his alias . . . .83 The FBI named Landesberg's parents as Mr. and Mrs. George Landesberg of 111-50 76th Rd., Forest Hills.

Joesten then asks:

It is evident that the FBI would not have launched a massive search, lasting two weeks, for a "non-existent" person without some pretty solid data to go upon. If Landesberg was an impostor, the FBI, with its immense facilities for research and verification, would have spotted him as a phony within hours, if not minutes. It is a certainly, therefore, that the information which Landesberg had imparted to the FBI was both credible and of great importance to set in motion the vast sweep through the Village described in Newsday and the Post. Why then did the FBI suddenly "determine" that the whole thing was a hoax and that the elusive L'Eandes was none other than Landesberg himself?

Newsday also published a photo of Landesberg in its 6 December 1963 issue. According to Joesten, it showed a man who appeared to be both Jewish and clean-shaven which prompted him to ask: "Would he be identical with a racist and segregationist from Mississippi – and a bearded one at that?"

As for Landesberg, when the FBI finally confronted him with the evidence that he really was "L'Eandes," and then after admitting that he himself was "L'Eandes," the FBI report continued: "LANDESBERG then began to state that the information he had furnished to the Federal Bureau of Information on November 22, 1963, was furnished to him by someone else, at which time he began to stutter and become incoherent."

When Landesberg first met with the FBI, his "Stephen L'Eandes" persona had been dormant for well over a year as the last reported "L'Eandes" sighting took place in the spring of 1962. Landesberg was enrolled in a philosophy course at Columbia University when Kennedy was killed. So why did he create his "James Rizzuto" pseudonym to tell his strange story? One obvious possibility is that Landesberg already was a mentally unbalanced individual who became even more unhinged at the shocking report of Kennedy's death and on that very day created an elaborate fantasy for reasons known only to him. Was it also possible that Landesberg had been used by someone else to funnel his story to the government as he tried to claim? Or could it be that during his bizarre adventure in the far right, Landesberg came across (or thought he came across) some tidbit of information that he really did think was relevant to the death of President Kennedy and he then constructed a story around it in the belief that the FBI would not be able to crack his "James Rizzuto" cover story?

As weirdly interesting as Landesberg's story remains, I cite it here most of all as evidence that when Frankhouser told the New York Times on 1 November 1965 that the SWP had a "training camp" and that Lee Harvey Oswald was "connected" to the camp, his statement came in the wake of Landesberg's claim two years earlier that there indeed was an "Oswald" in New York. This "Oswald" was clearly linked to the NSRP and he went to Jewish and leftist meetings but he stayed in the background in an apparent attempt to gather information on the participants. Did Frankhouser and "Stephen L'Eandes" also cross paths in New York in the early 1960s? And did Frankhouser's claim to have met "Oswald" have any connection to "L'Eandes" strange tale?


The 1975 New Solidarity article stated that Frankhouser said he had met "Oswald" yet again at the Minuteman Lake Pontchartrain camp in New Orleans.84 We, however, can only assume that Frankhouser could not have met the real Lee Harvey Oswald in New Orleans for a second time when he never met him in New York City for the first time. For the rest of this chapter, then, I propose to look at Frankhouser's references in the New Solidarity article to his three Minutemen cronies, Ken Duggan, Vincent DePalma, and Eugene Tabbutt. Since I have already examined Ken Duggan's career in Smiling Man from a Dead Planet, there is no need to repeat the same information here.85 As for the even more mysterious Vincent DePalma, the only information I have been able to locate on him is summarized in "Note 2" at the end of this chapter. Although the information on DePalma comes directly from the U.S. House Select Committee on Assassinations, it deals with the circumstances surrounding the murder of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and not President Kennedy.


This leaves us with the third man in Frankhouser's unholy trinity, the Philadelphia private investigator Eugene Tabbutt, whose background is extensively summarized in "Note 1" at the end of this chapter. In September 1965, Tabbutt became the "counter-intelligence director" of the KKK after the UKA's leader Robert Shelton appointed him head of the UKA's Klan Bureau of Investigation (KBI). The KBI's job was to screen potential KKK recruits while exposing government informers. Tabbutt had considerable experience for the post of KBI head. From 1958 to 1963, for example, he ran his own National Detective Bureau out of Philadelphia. In an 11 October 1965 letter to NY KKK members promoting a talk by Tabbutt, then KBI member Dan Burros trumpeted Tabbutt's investigative expertise this way:

The Imperial Director of the KBI has forty years of police experience. He was once chief of a military intelligence agency, was a government investigator, was with the Philadelphia Police, was an investigator for the state of Penn. and has considerable electronics experience. This very knowledgeable man will address our meeting, and later will hold a special course for N.Y. KBI personnel only.86

(After Burros died in Frankhouser's Reading home, the police found among his remains papers "identifying him as a member of the Klan Bureau of Investigation and Security Guard of the KKK."87)

Given that Tabbutt already enjoyed a decades' long connection to the KKK, his detective agency may have been employed by government-sponsored espionage agencies in states like Louisiana, Alabama, and Mississippi like the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission and the Alabama Department of Public Safety to infiltrate and spy on the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), the CP, the SWP, and similar "pro-integration" leftist organizations as part of a broader attempt both to genuinely gather information as well as to discredit the civil rights movement in general as a "communist inspired" plot.88 In a 22 October 1965 interview with the Reading-based newspaper Eagle, Frankhouser also declared that "the Negro civil rights movement has been taken over as a tool of communism and that there is a 'definite plot to destroy America.' . . . the Klan movement is growing because the government has failed to crack down on Communists working within the Negro and civil rights movement.89

The employment of private eyes by the far right to spy on leftist was by no means uncommon. Former FBI Special Agent Guy Banister's New Orleans-based detective agency, Guy Banister Associates, monitored leftist activists in the Big Easy. Frankhouser, who in 1960 would be just 21 years old, may have found employment as a youthful infiltrator through a far-right PI network in the Philadelphia area that had longstanding links to the Klan.90 The use of private investigative agencies as a cover for political espionage was so embraced by Tabbutt that he tried to establish an entire network of such agencies. In the HUAC hearings on the KKK, the Committee questioned a leading Ohio UKA member named Bobby Stephens who had met Tabbutt at a KKK gathering on 26 September 1965 at a Holiday Inn in Zanesville, Ohio. From the Hearings:

Mr. MANUEL. Mr. Stephens, you testified that Eugene Tabbutt was in attendance at the September 26 meeting. . . . Did he say he had a position in the United Klans of America?
Mr. STEPHENS. Yes, sir; he was head of the KBI.
Mr. MANUEL. That is the Klan Bureau of Investigation?
Mr. STEPHENS. Yes, sir.
Mr. MANUEL. And he made that claim in front of Mr. Shelton?
Mr. STEPHENS. Yes, sir; he was one of Mr. Shelton's direct, shall we say, right-hand men in it and mentioned the fact about a protective agency which he had set up, which would be a front for the KBI.
Mr. MANUEL. Was this to operate in the State of Ohio?
Mr. STEPHENS. He was going to make arrangements to have an office in Columbus, which he assured me that he could use my knowledge, and the records, on different civil rights leaders and different activities going on in Columbus.91


Tabbutt's position as Security Chief for Shelton's UKA was not the only one he had held such a post for a far rightist organization. In the late 1950s, Tabbutt ran "security" for the pseudo-chivalric "Sovereign Order of Saint John of Jerusalem, Knights of Malta." The Knights "Grand Chancellor" was a 1930s Nazi sympathizer named "Colonel" Charles Thourot Pichel. The Order maintained its international headquarters not in Monaco or Vaduz in Liechtenstein or in the pages of a Dan Brown novel but in the small town of Shickshinny, Pennsylvania, where Pichel lived. The bizarre history of the Pichel-led Knights of Malta can be found elsewhere.92 For our purposes, it is important to note that in 1958 Tabbutt was listed as the Knights "Chief Security Officer." In 1965 – the same year that Tabbutt took over the KBI – he became the Knights "Security General."93 The full extent of the ties between Frankhouser and his KBI crony Dan Burros and Pichel's Knights remains an open one. However it is worth noting that when Dan Burros met his last girlfriend, the first present he gave her was "a black enamel pendant in the form of a Maltese cross."94

In early September 1978 Eugene Tabbutt's involvement in the Knights even surfaced in the pages of New Solidarity. Just a few weeks earlier, LaRouche engaged in open Holocaust-denial when in a 22 August 1978 New Solidarity article he wrote: "Granted, the Nazis did not kill six million Jews, but they did kill upwards of a million and a half. . . . Whether Hitler killed one and a half million Jews or more, which he did, or six million Jews which he did not, really makes little difference."

LaRouche's statement seemed astonishing at the time to many NCLC members because so many cadre – including some who held senior positions inside the group – knew so little about the true nature of the ties between the ultra-right and the NCLC. From 1974-75 on, these overtures between LaRouche and the far right were implemented by a small and carefully chosen group that operated out of the NCLC Security Staff. Yet a fuller understanding of the NCLC relationship with Pichel's Knights may well prove significant in understanding the hidden history of the NCLC. What is obvious is that starting in the late summer of 1977 in particular, more and more far right and anti-Semitic references began appearing in the pages of New Solidarity, almost all of them by LaRouche personally or by his clique in the Security Staff.

The links between the NCLC's Security Staff and the Pichel Knights became so close that one Knight named Edward von Rothkirch – who also maintained close ties to the Liberty Lobby – let the Security Staff use his Washington, D.C.-based Intercontinental Media Services (IMS) press cards to attend public events. Dubbed "the Baron" by NCLC Security, von Rothkirch gave the Security Staff a stack of blank IMS press cards with the permission to forge his signature on them whenever Security needed access to some event open to the press that it wished to infiltrate.95

In late 1978, this clique was angry that Tabbutt and his fellow Shickshinny Knight Frank Capell – yet another quasi-private right-wing spook who ran his own journal called Herald of Freedom – had broken with the group's long-time leader Charles Pichel and instead pledged allegiance to another spin-off from the Knights headed by the exiled King Peter of Yugoslavia.96 Capell attacked the Labor Committee (also known at the time as "the U.S. Labor Party") in the pages of Herald of Freedom as a wacky Marxist organization that the right should avoid at all cost. Capell was just one of many on the far right (including Minuteman leader Robert DePugh) who allied themselves with the views of Georgia Congressman Larry McDonald, a John Birch Society leader and head of the right-wing Western Goals Foundation. On 26 January 1977, McDonald inserted into the Congressional Record a research report that tried to link the NCLC with Communist subversion. Yet another well-known John Birch Society author named Gary Allen wrote a December 1977 article in the John Birch Society journal American Opinion in which he argued that the NCLC was a subversive Marxist organization intent on infiltrating the right, possibly at the behest of the Rockefeller family.97

In the 10 October 1978 New Solidarity, an article appeared that was written to promote a series of reports in the NCLC's Executive Intelligence Review (EIR) issue for 10-16 October 1978.98 One of the stories was billed as a special report on the Minutemen by Scott Thompson. The New Solidarity article stated that the White Citizens Council leader Medford Evens had written a piece in the September 1978 issue of American Opinion that favored support of "Zionism." Even worse:

Evans and Bircher leader Larry McDonald, a Democratic Congressman from Georgia, are collaborating directly with the head of the defunct Minutemen paramilitary grouping, Robert DePugh, to form a conservative "Committee of Ten Million" that will act as a cover and "fund laundry" for vote fraud, dirty tricks and terror, according to an accompanying report by Scott Thompson. Citing sources close to Evans, Thompson reveals that the "Committee" operation is helping reactivate the networks of professional assassins and terrorists that made up the core of DePugh's original organization. . . . According to Thompson's report, Evans' White Citizens Councils, the bulwark of the Klan in the violence-ridden civil rights era of the 1960s, included several Zionist Lobby agents in key leadership positions.

Thompson – not surprisingly – cited "former Klan leader Roy Frankhouser" (whose name for once was spelled correctly) as a key source. Thompson reported that Frankhouser had "already revealed aspects of the collaboration" between "certain Klan leaders, Zionist lobby forces" and Kennedy's "chief civil rights troubleshooter, John Doar" to "unleash a series of assassinations" against both sides "of the black-white struggle" with the intent of pitching the U.S. "into bloody chaos." The New Solidarity article continues:

Typical of the character of the Zionist-British links to the ultra right, says Thompson, is the case of Eugene Tabbhut [sic], who used his post as head of the United Klans of America's "Klan Bureau of Investigation" in the 1960s to determine who was – and was not – an "agent." But Tabbhut was simultaneously in the employ of the British-controlled pretender to the Yugoslav throne, King Peter II, who in turn covertly received Zionist lobby financial support.


With Scott Thompson's 1978 reference to Roy Frankhouser and Eugene Tabbutt, we have now come full circle. As I have shown, Frankhouser's claims about the Kennedy assassination as reported in New Solidarity can easily be shown to be false. Yet New Solidarity's 1975 faux ''expose" can still help us better understand the complex dynamics of the American radical right, although in a way one imagines that neither the Labor Committee nor Frankhouser would appreciate.

The role played by the LaRouche and the Labor Committee's Security Staff from 1973 on eerily echoes the role played by the far right in the early 1960s. The NCLC aggressively spied on and collected "intelligence" about various leftist groupings, some of which it offered to law enforcement circles. The group launched physical attacks on other leftists, above all on members of the American Communist Party. The NCLC's attack on Eugene Tabbutt as being too friendly with the "Zionist lobby" and its FBI collaborators reflects earlier ultra-right polemics against George Lincoln Rockwell for being too cozy with the FBI. Roy Frankhouser's position as a paid "Security consultant" to LaRouche literally embodied this broader political axis. The NCLC's initial covert alliance with the far right apparently began sometime in either 1973 or early 1974.99 What the new Frankhouser files suggest, however, is the possibility that LaRouche's bizarre decision to steer the NCLC into a coalition with the likes of Willis Carto, Robert Miles, and Roy Frankhouser may have had its origin in a far earlier period.

In the late 1950s after LaRouche returned to the active ranks of the SWP – after having effectively dropped out of the organization for a few years – he reports that he conducted research on ancient Babylonian society and that this research led him to a deeper understanding of Judaism as a "caste" pseudo-religion.100 LaRouche says that he discovered that Judaism was not a "real religion" but the production of a "caste" of merchant usurers initially based in Babylon. These merchant usurers then imported their pseudo-religion back to the Holy Land. Jewish "usury," in short, long predated the Christian period and was in fact fundamental to Judaism's very construction as a religion. LaRouche clearly glossed some of his arguments from Karl Kautsky and other "assimilationist" Marxists from both the 19th and 20th centuries. These theorists claimed that Judaism was so linked to European medieval society that the disappearance of medieval feudal society with the growth of capitalism heralded the end of Judaism. As Kautsky put it in Rasse und Judentum – a work that strongly argued against "racial" pseudo-science theory – "We will not have completely emerged from the Middle Ages as long as Judaism still remains among us. The more quickly it disappears, the better it will be for society and for the Jews themselves." 101 Or to quote the Austrian Socialist leader Victor Adler, the elimination of both private property and the power of money "would finally lead the Wandering Jew to his tomb."

Neither Kautsky nor Adler were "political anti-Semites" and as leading Social Democrats they strongly opposed the anti-Semitic political parties of their time. Yet their crude economic reductionist interpretation of Judaism led both of them to dismiss demands for cultural and political autonomy that emerged from the Yiddish Renaissance movement in places like Austrian Galicia and Bukovina even as the Austrian Social Democrats supported the creation of Czech language schools in Vienna. Because Jews were a "caste" and not a "historical nation," theoreticians like Kautsky and Adler said they had no right to demand any kind of political or cultural autonomy unlike the Catholic Czechs of "Bohemia."

The Western Left's view of actual anti-Semitic parties was surprisingly cavalier, particularly when one recalls that this also was the time of renewed violent pogroms in Russia and Eastern Europe. The expression of anti-Semitic views often was written off as just a "first naive form of anti-capitalism" in the words of Austrian Socialist Otto Bauer.102 Nor, of course, was the reduction of Jews and Judaism to narrow economic categories unique to the Socialists. Max Weber, for example, defined "the Jews as a 'caste' or a 'pariah people' (Pariavolk) rooted in a form of "capitalism oriented toward speculation, a capitalism of pariahs' (Pariakapitalismus)."103 Neither Kautsky nor Weber could ever imagine the coming of the Holocaust since they viewed both Judaism and anti-Semitism as relics of a medieval past rooted in pre-capitalist agrarian society. The fact that the worst pogroms took place in the most backward parts of Europe only seemed to prove the point.

LaRouche, however, developed his own views on "the Jewish question" in the late 1950s, a little more than a decade after both Auschwitz and the creation of the new state of Israel.104 Yet LaRouche's views were far worse precisely because he didn't see the role of Jewish "usury" as a product of the Jews position as a minority grouping in the Christian world. Instead he claimed that Judaism itself was a pseudo-belief constructed by a caste of usurers from ancient Babylon. Using allegedly "Marxist categories," LaRouche not only defined Judaism itself a by-product of an ancient backward usurer caste; he turned the Nazis into mere hapless instruments of big capital. By so doing he made the centuries' long history of European anti-Semitism disappear. Yet LaRouche clearly rejected biological reductionist "race theory" and actively recruited Jewish members to his organization?105 (His first wife as well as Carol were also Jewish.) All we can say for sure is that in the late 1950s LaRouche reports that he had come to see Judaism itself as a "caste" or fake synthetic religion first developed in Babylon by merchant usurers. To cite LaRouche:

Although A.D. Judaism is an outgrowth of the development of Christianity (e.g., the first such rabbi, Philo of Alexandria), there was a preceding Hebrew faith of sorts, elements of which were syncretically assimilated in the successive phases of manufacture of post-Philo Judaism. The earlier Hebrew doctrine is itself a synthetic hodgepodge of chiefly Mesopotamian legends. Rabbi Ezra, the author of the fictional personality of Moses, is exemplary of the circumstances and contents of Hebrew doctrine – a creation of Achaemenid [Persian] protection and edict. Ezra's Persian version of Hebrewism was, in turn, significantly influenced by an earlier, pre-Pentateuch version, created in conformity with Babylonian edicts. . . . From Ezra onwards, and even before, Hebrewism was an assimilationist doctrine developed to provide special juridical status (and ideological self-image) for a caste of merchant-usurers within a pre-capitalist society.
Ancient Judaism (or "Hebrewism") was not a "real" religion but an ideological concoction designed for a special caste of "merchant-usurers" in oligarchic pre-capitalist Babylon. [Emphasis added.]106

As for "A.D. Judaism," LaRouche continues in a similar vein,

Judaism is not a true religion, but only a half-religion, a curious appendage and sub-species of Christianity . . . Judaism is the ideological abstraction of the secular life of Christianity's Jew, the Roman merchant-usurer who had not yet evolved to the state of Papal enlightenment, a half-Christian, who had not developed a Christian conscience, etc. Judaism is the religion of a caste of subjects of Christianity, entirely modeled by ingenious rabbis to fit into the ideological and secular life of Christianity. In short, a self-subsisting Judaism never existed and never could exist. As for "Jewish culture," otherwise, it is merely the residue left to the Jewish home after everything saleable had been marketed to the Goyim.
In other words, Judaism at best is just "a half-religion" since it is merely the "ideological abstraction of the secular life of Christianity's Jew, the Roman merchant-usurer." Under Christianity, Judaism was "entirely modeled by ingenious rabbis" to adapt to Christian society following the blueprint first developed by Rabbi Ezra. Judaism therefore is the "half religion" of a special caste of merchant-usurers. [Emphasis added.]

Did LaRouche and Frankhouser's world overlap at the same time that LaRouche was developing his own "insights" into Judaism?

Although Frankhouser said he met LaRouche during this time, LaRouche denies it. What can't be denied is that they both moved in surprisingly narrow circles. LaRouche reports that the late 1950s he pushed for the formation of a new SWP-backed radical youth movement based on his "long term perspective" of a coming economic collapse whose first signs he saw heralded in the severe 1957 recession. (LaRouche used a similar "Long Term Perspectives" argument in the mid-1960s when he created his own "youth movement," the NCLC.) LaRouche knew Tim Wohlforth from Wohlforth's days as a leader of the "youth realignment" in the late 1950s. LaRouche also knew Murry Weiss, the SWP's coordinator of both the "youth turn" as well as a key player in the SWP-backed Fair Play for Cuba Committee (FPFC) largely because LaRouche's first wife, Janice, was a close personal friend of Murry and Myra Tanner Weiss. That said, there remains considerable fog but no "smoking gun" revelations that would definitively tie LaRouche to Frankhouser during this period.

That said, looking back at Roy Frankhouser's early strange sojourn into the tiny world of postwar organized American Trotskyism, we have to ask some basic questions. Was the fact that Frankhouser became a key adviser to LaRouche and his Security Staff the end result of a series of events that only began in the 1970s? Was Frankhouser's earlier involvement with the SWP more or less just a weird coincidence? Or was there some earlier subterranean association that only publicly resurfaced well over a decade later? The best we can say for now is that the new FBI revelation of Frankhouser's role in the YSA/SWP – while still not solving the mystery – make the latter possibility a far more viable proposition than could have previously been imagined.


Finally, although New Solidarity's tale of Roy Frankhouser has served as a palimpsest of sort for my attempted reconstruction of the historical "text" behind the surface scribble, is there anything more to be learned from Frankhouser's strange odyssey? Could his story prove to be yet another palimpsest of a sort, an even more distorted echo of something far more sinister? At the core of Frankhouser's cryptic tale is the claim that he knew about a mysterious paramilitary leftist organization that planned to kill its opponents from Birmingham's Sheriff "Bull" Connor to President Dwight D. Eisenhower. Clearly no such group existed. Yet what if Frankhouser's real game was the creation of just such a "notional" leftist cell?

Students of the Kennedy assassination know only too well the famous (infamous) pictures of Lee Harvey Oswald holding a rifle in one hand and in the other the Communist Party paper the Worker and the SWP paper the Militant. Oswald created his own one-man Fair Play for Cuba Committee (FPFC) front group in New Orleans at a time when the SWP played a vital role in that organization's creation. If Frankhouser spent his time posing as a radical veteran, might he not have been trying to entrap genuine leftists with military backgrounds and contempt for nonviolence as the be-all-and-end-all tactic of the civil rights movement into some kind of "false flag"-type operation? The subsequent "expose" of a terrorist-oriented armed "communist" cell inside the civil rights movement would have been devastating. But was it really even necessary to create such a cell? Might not the recruitment of one or two unstable and/or politically naive or gullible individuals (i.e., "patsies") into a "notional" cell prove all that was really needed for the ploy to work?

Now imagine it is 1963 instead of 1960. Suppose some naive individual, a classic marginal man with undeniable ties to Soviet Russia and a delusional image of himself as a world-historical actor, was approached by a fellow Army or Marine veteran and told about an elite radical underground movement (a kind of home-grown FLN) committed to truly fighting the rise of domestic fascism at home and American imperialism abroad not with mere talk but with weapons. A group committed to combat American's version of the French OAS, the armed Minutemen, and far right Nazis who openly worked with equally violent armed Cuban exiles. Perhaps he even heard whispers that this secret vanguard enjoyed the covet support of the still-endangered Cuban revolution. And then imagine that as a first initiation test of his fidelity, that individual was ordered to strike a blow against a leading member of the fascist far right. Only this time the target was not Sheriff Bull Connor but General Edwin Walker.

Of course in a palimpsest world there are other possibilities as well. What if you are an agent working for a far-right anti-communist detective agency? Only this one operates out of New Orleans instead of Philadelphia. Your orders are to infiltrate pro-Castro leftist circles and to do so you need to establish a "paper trail" to bolster your credentials. Instead of laboriously infiltrating a targeted group as Frankhouser did, wouldn't it just be easier, cheaper, and a whole lot quicker to create, let's say, a "notional" Fair Play for Cuba chapter out of thin air and make sure the press hears about it in order to generate the press clips necessary to prove your political bona fides?

And after you have created your notional organization, why not simply anoint yourself as its leader?

Note I: Who was Eugene Tabbutt?

A summary of Tabbutt's FBI files contain this information:

Tabbutt, Eugene Harry

1. (Portland Maine and Philadelphia PA)

182-16-2874 45

B: 04-30-03 (Lubec, ME)

D: 08-71

1958 — Chief Security Officer of Col. T. Pichel's ultra-right wing Shickshinny, Pennsylvania, based Knights of Malta and in 1965 its Security General

1924-1929 — Special Investigator to 4 former Directors of Public Safety, Philadelphia PD

1925 — Becomes KKK member

1929-1933 — Investigator for law firm in Connaughton & Updike in WDC

1933-1937 — Investigator in Charge of American Detective Agency, Philadelphia PA

1937-1939 — Investigator, PA Dept of Justice

1940-1941 — Investigator in Charge of US Army Signal Corps Intelligence:

HQ 157-4292, #7 re: 1942 investigation report by Signal Corps:

Evidence disclosed by this investigation indicates that subject's integrity and discretion, as well as his general character, are highly questionable. He is reported to have done investigative work for the KKK, to have attended an America First meeting, and to be on the mailing list of the German Library of Information, although there is no other evidence to question his loyalty, except reports that he will do anything for money. Termination was recommended and Tabbutt resigned.

1941-1945 — Investigator, Aetna Casualty & Insurance Co.

1945-1948 — Owned/operated National Detective Bureau, Philadelphia

1950-1956 — Captain of Security Force, Philadelphia Piers, Inc.

1958-1963 — Owned/operated National Detective Bureau, 5835 Willows Ave., Philadelphia PA

May 1963 — Name appeared on list of ANP (American Nazi Party) Associate members

09/65 — KKK leader Shelton appointed Tabbutt Imperial Director, Klan Bureau of Investigation (KBI)

01/20/66 — FBI notified Secret Service about Tabbutt due to report received that Tabbutt had discussed plan for assassinating LBJ

With respect to Tabbutt and Frankhouser, there is a document in Tabbutt's file which contains a "name-deleted" and the number of spaces could easily be Frankhouser's name, especially since it also refers to this person as having "friends and supporters on the Reading PA Police Dept." There is also a barely readable handwritten notation near this person's name describing him as being associated with UKA.


1. "Tabbutt advised...he moved when still young to Portland Maine where he was employed by the Bell Telephone Company. He came to Philadelphia in 1922 and joined the police force at the time the Philly police force was being reorganized under the former Marine Corps (name deleted). He became a detective with the Philly PD and was used by the various heads of the Philly PD to investigate police corruption.

Because of enemies made during one Grand Jury investigation, he decided that he had no future in the Philly PD and resigned. He has been a private detective ever since with the exception of a period in 1940-1941 when he was employed by the Federal Government in a security capacity at the Philly Signal Depot. . . . In Sept 1965, he was appointed chief of the Klan Bureau of Investigation by Robert Shelton, head of the United Klans of America, Inc., Knights of the KKK."

2. Note: The Bureau's review of Federal personnel records indicated that in July 1942, during his service at the Philly Signal Depot he was "suspended without pay for administrative reasons" pending an investigation concerning his suitability and then subsequently terminated 5/11/43 as a "resignation" – but the resignation was due to his KKK membership and a report from PA Motor Police which stated that Tabbutt "has a bad reputation, poor character, and is dishonest."


Tabbutt acknowledged membership in both groups but "At this time Tabbutt claimed that he had an ulterior motive in participating in both the above-named groups. This motive was to gather inside information concerning both groups for a book he is writing.

He also stated that he had an obligation to furnish any information developed to a local leader of B'nai B'rith."

"During this interview, Tabbutt advised he was born in 1903 in Lubec, Maine, and remained in Lubec located on the Canadian border across from Campobello. He advised that in his childhood he was a playmate of the late President FDR, whose estate, Campobello, was directly across a bay from the Tabbutt residence." . . . " Tabbutt advised that he intends to raise the question of the death of Daniel Burros, deceased Grand Dragon of New York who committed suicide in Reading, PA. Tabbutt stated that to the best of his recollection, Burros was left-handed, but he was shot in the right temple and chest with the gun found in his right hand. . . . He advised that he had received a call from a girlfriend of Burros and a NY Klansman named (name deleted) who wished to talk to him in NYC about the 'murder of Burros'. Tabbutt alleged that . . . Burros was killed by (name deleted), Grand Dragon of New Jersey UKA when they ascertained from a newspaper article that Burros was of Jewish background." [Note: The head of the New Jersey KKK was Frank Rotella, Jr.]


Another source on Tabbutt comes from an essay entitled "'A negative and unwise approach': Private Detectives, Vigilantes and the FBI Counterintelligence, 1910-72" by Professor John Drabble and published in the book Police Detectives in History edited by Clive Emsley and Haia Shpayer-Markov (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2006).

Drabble reports on page 246 of his essay that in late 1965 Tabbutt convinced Robert Shelton to appoint him head of the KBI, a post that would allow him to interrogate prospective Klan members as well as carry out electronic surveillance operations for the KKK. At the same time, Tabbutt reportedly approached both the ADL and the American Jewish Committee with an offer to sell them tapes of KKK meetings. He also said he could show a network of far right groups like the Minutemen and the John Birch Society and the nature of their relations with the KKK. He further stated that the Minutemen were developing deadly weapons such as one that looked like an ordinary pipe but that could fire a cyanide bullet.

Drabble then writes: "From the perspective of the FBI, Tabbutt had a questionable past." Either Tabbutt claimed (or the FBI reported) that he had infiltrated the KKK in the late 1930s to discover any connections between the KKK and the German American Bund. He was also reported to have burglarized the KKK's offices in Pennsylvania and sold KKK records from 1928 to 1940 to the Philadelphia Inquirer, Jewish newspapers and the ADL. According to Drabble, Washington notified the Philadelphia office in 1965 that Tabbutt has "an unsavory background and has been described as a con man, an opportunist and a person who would sell information to anyone." The Bureau then "immediately launched an operation to neutralize Tabbutt and cause the UKA to expel him."


Exactly why the FBI would not only decline Tabbutt's offer but actively launch COINTELPRO measures to have him expelled from the UKA remains a mystery that Drabble does not explore. Surely the fact that Tabbutt had "an unsavory background" would not be sufficient grounds for the FBI not to hire him as an informant. After all, as head of the KBI, Tabbutt was the UKA's "James Angleton." He was the man literally in charge of finding out FBI penetration agents and informers for the UKA leadership.

If I had to guess, the FBI may have been afraid that Tabbutt would actually be in a perfect position to use the FBI to weed out certain individuals that he didn't want in the UKA and to plant others that he did. It is even possible that Tabbutt had an informant relationship with another federal agency. Or perhaps they just didn't trust him and feared that Tabbutt would entrap the Bureau if it made any deal with him. Finally, Tabbutt's prominent role in the Shickshinny Knights of Malta may have influenced the FBI's decision. Again, without further investigation it is impossible to know for sure just why FBI headquarters turned so strongly against an individual who – at least on paper – would seem like the perfect informant for the Bureau.

Note 2: Who was Vincent DePalma?

Although Vincent DePalma's background remains mysterious, his name crops up in a fascinating way in the 1979 Final Report of the U.S. House Select Committee on Assassinations in its section on Martin Luther King, who had been assassinated on 4 April 1968.107 From the HSCA Report (pgs. 375-77):


The committee investigated rightwing, segregationist, extremist groups and individuals to find out if their outspoken opposition to Dr. King and their demonstrated propensity for violence might have resulted in their involvement in the assassination. FBI files on the Minutemen, Ku Klux Klan, and other extremist organizations were examined and while the committee found no evidence that these organizations had anything to do with the assassination, the committee did discover conspiracy allegations that warranted additional field investigation beyond that performed in the original investigation.

(a) The Minutemen

A review of F131 files on the Minutemen revealed a possible plot against Dr. King's life that had received some attention by law enforcement officials shortly before Dr. King's death.

On January 15, 1968, Vincent DePalma, a close associate of Robert B. DePugh, the founder of the Minutemen, told a Denver agent of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) that he had defected from the Minutemen and wished to supply information. DePalma revealed that there were 19 Minutemen strike teams across the United States assigned to assassinate several prominent persons, including Dr. King, in the event DePugh was ever imprisoned.

According to DePalma, the Minutemen also planned to incite race riots in the summer of 1968. After it received this information from the ATF, the FBI attempted unsuccessfully to locate DePalma, who had said he was moving to Oregon. As for DePugh, he disappeared in February 1968 following his indictment by a Federal grand jury in Seattle, Wash., for conspiracy to commit bank robbery.

The FBI made no further attempts to investigate the threat until shortly after Dr. King's assassination, when one of DePalma's Minutemen associates, Edward Baumgardner, told a reporter that the artist's drawing of the suspected assassin resembled DePalma.

Baumgardner was interviewed several times by the FBI. He said that he and DePalma were members of a Minutemen strike team that had been formed at a training camp in Colorado during the summer of 1967. Baumgardner repeated the information that DePalma had provided ATF and said DePalma had been assigned the code name Willard. (James Earl Ray used the alias "John Willard" when renting a room in a rooming house in Memphis on April 4, 1968.)

DePalma was located by the FBI several days after Dr. King was killed. He again detailed information on the Minutemen strike teams that had targeted Dr. King and on Minutemen plans to precipitate race riots in the summer of 1968 as a means of facilitating a takeover of the Government.

Work records showed that DePalma was in Newport, R.I., on April 4, 1968. Information he furnished during 3 days of interviews was verified by several FBI offices. DePugh and his chief associate in the Minutemen, Walter Peyson, remained fugitives until their capture in July 1969. There was nothing in the FBI files to reflect they were ever interviewed regarding possible involvement of the Minutemen in the assassination of Dr. King.

The committee found that the DePalma lead had not been fully investigated by the FBI, so it examined it anew. It found that DePalma had been murdered in an unsolved gangland slaying in January 1978 in Los Angeles. The committee did locate and interview four persons who had attended the Colorado training camp in the summer of 1967. Both Jerry Brooks, an associate of DePugh's for at least 12 years, and Mary Tollerton, DePugh's secretary until late 1967, denied knowing of any plot to kill Dr. King.

Although Brooks told of other assassination plots by the Minutemen and of intelligence files on Dr. King and other "subversives," Tollerton claimed that these activities were not serious. Tollerton added that DePugh had trouble keeping the organization together in 1968 while avoiding capture, so he could not have been involved in Dr. King's assassination. Walter Peyson and Robert DePugh, brought to Washington under subpoena, testified under oath that they were not involved in any plot to kill Dr. King.

They insisted that all discussions of assassination plots and strike teams were mere paper propaganda. Both Peyson and DePugh also explained that because DePalma and Baumgardner were believed to be infiltrators, they were often fed false information.

As a final investigative step, the committee compiled a list of all individuals associated with the Minutemen in the cities visited by James Earl Ray following his escape in April 1967 from the Missouri State Penitentiary. This list was cross-checked against a list of known or possible Ray associates. The results were negative.

Based on the testimony it heard, interviews with the assistant U.S. Attorney who prosecuted DePugh and Peyson in 1966 and ATF agents who had encountered DePugh, extensive file reviews and the Ray associates name check, the committee concluded there was insufficient evidence to indicate that the Minutemen were involved in Dr. King's death.

Unfortunately the HSCA found it impossible to determine if there was a real plot led by the Minutemen (as DePalma claimed) or if DePalma himself was acting as an agent or infiltrator of some sort who tried to implicate the Minutemen leadership in just such a plot either to cast law enforcement suspicion on the Minuteman after Doctor King was shot in Memphis or if he wanted to try to intimidate the government not to prosecute DePugh or for some other opaque reason. Still it is curious that DePalma went to agents from the ATF, the federal agency that had an earlier close relationship with Frankhouser to offer them his information. Had DePalma worked as an ATF informant as well? If DePalma went to the ATF in an attempt to cast suspicion on the Minutemen before the assassination of Dr. King, it raises the possibility that he may have been trying to build a "paper trail" to lead federal investigators from others on the far right who may actually have wanted to kill King and induce race riots in an attempt to drive America to the right in a key election year.

Note 3: The Strange Past of Steve Landesberg

In his book Fug You (NY: Da Capo Press, 2011), poet and Fugs band member Ed Sanders mentions Steve Landesberg (a/k/a “Steve L’Eandes”). One of Sanders close friends was a poet named Al Fowler. Fowler became involved in anti-war circles in the early 1960s and in 1962 he took part in a “World Wide General Strike for Peace” sponsored by the anarchist Lower East Side-based Living Theater. In the early 1960s, Fowler also joined a small sect called the “Free Catholic Church.” Fowler “now and then sported a clerical collar, a big silver cross on this chest, and a round red anarchist button on the lapel of his frock coat.”

After L'Eandes/Rizzuto/Landesberg went on the radio claiming to have known Oswald, Sanders heard from Fowler that he had known L’Eandes and he had “witnessed L’Eandes create a disturbance at a meeting of the Socialist Labor Party at the Militant Labor Forum on University Place, and he’d seen L’Eandes hanging out around the headquarters of the General Strike for Peace in early ’62, located at the Living Theater.” (Sanders, 63)

Sanders made a mistake in his memoir because the group L’Eandes actually disrupted was the Socialist Workers Party – not the Socialist Labor Party – which held Militant Labor Forums on University Place. The SWP was heavily involved as well in Fair Play for Cuba. Sanders also quotes Fowler as saying about Landesberg/L’Eandes:

The last conversation I had with L’Eandes prior to the big snuff [Kennedy’s death – HH] took place in a diner on Sheridan Square. He talked then about Fair Play for Cuba. His whole shuck was that he was a Cajun, and that his whole family, in the main, was around New Orleans. He even gave me a dissertation on the French Quarter. (63-64)

Given the real Lee Harvey Oswald's connection with New Orleans, Landesberg's story becomes that much more strange.


1 The late Roy Frankhouser's last name is so commonly misspelled "Frankhauser" that I have left the variation stand instead of correcting the original texts. Anyone looking at his career, however, should search under both spellings. The most important source on Frankhouser that I used for this chapter is a series of FBI files of approximately 500 pages covering his early history. The first batch of files (some 178 pages) is now posted on LaRouche Planet. For access to the files and for information on Eugene Tabbutt, I very much want to thank a freelance researcher who specializes in FBI file declassification. The other FBI files that I cite from the middle 1960s can be found on the website of the Mary Ferrell Foundation. See Assassination. FBI files on the Stephen Landesberg case also can be found via the Mary Farrell Foundation. For Frankhouser's appearance before HUAC as well as mention of Eugene Tabbutt, see "Activities of the Ku Klux Klan Organizations in the United States, Part 4" in Hearings before the Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, 89th Congress, Second Session (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1966), 3342-3363. The hearings are on line at http://www.archive.ora/stream/activitiesofkukl04unit/activitiesofkukl04unit divu.txt.

2 On Frankhouser and "Black September," see

3 While I have no idea what the article means by Frankhouser "babysitting" Mario Garcia Kohly, it should be noted that Garcia Kohly was an important Cuban businessman who played a major role in anti-Castro organizations. At one point he headed the anti-Castro council of Cuban exiles.

On 28 August 1963, the New York Times ran an article entitled "Cuban Underground Warns President." The Times reported that a telegram had been sent to JFK in the name of eight Cuban underground organizations that declared "they would not accept any government 'imposed' by the United States when Fidel Castro is overthrown." The Times said that Mario Garcia Kohly had been chosen as "provisional president of the Cuban government in arms in exile." Garcia Kohly was cited by the Times as saying that some 300,000 Cubans would rise up against Castro in the next few months. The Times report was followed by another one just a month later on the role of far-right governments in Latin America and their promotion of the most hard-line elements in the exile community. From a 25 September 1963 New York Times article entitled "Latin Split Seen on Cuban Exiles":

Fears have been expressed by high officials from Costa Rica and Honduras that the Cubans exiles, instead of concentrating their efforts against the Castro regime, will align themselves with ultra-conservative forces in Central America intent on overthrowing constitutional governments. This preoccupation has been expressed to Secretary of State Dean Rusk and other United States officials here and in Washington. . . . According to reliable information, Nicaragua and Guatemala have become centers of considerable activity by Cubans formerly associated with the ousted President Fulgencio Batista, and with other right-wing groups. . . . In Nicaragua, former President Luis Anastasio Somoza Debayle has come out in favor of building a new Cuban liberation movement under the leadership of Manuel Artime Buesa, a top commander of the ill-fated Bay of Pigs invasion. Mr. Artime's men are said to be receiving generous military assistance and training from Gen. Anastasio Somoza, Jr., chief of staff of the Nicaraguan National Guard. . . . The former President of Nicaragua, now a Senator of the governing Liberal Party, recently traveled to Miami to rally Cuban exiles on behalf of Mr. Artime. The Cuban rebel leader went to Nicaragua after denouncing the Kennedy Administration's decision to end its financial assistance to the Cuban Revolutionary Council headed by Dr. Jose Miro Cardona.

The Kennedy administration's attempt to shift its support to more moderate Cuban exile leaders was linked to the government's crackdown on a right-wing paramilitary training camp. On 31 July 1963, the FBI raided the Lake Pontchartrain property of William McLaney, the brother of Havana casino operator Mike McLaney, and seized an arms cache. "The FBI also arrested Sam Benton who was Mike McLaney's intermediary with the Cuban exiles [and] along with Richard Lauchli, a co-founder of the Minutemen" reports Peter Dale Scott. This arms cache "was for a nearby Somoza-backed Cuban exile training camp." See Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1996), 88-89. (The Lake Pontchartrain camp is also referred to in New Solidarity in its articles on Frankhouser.)

The arms cache and camp could well lead back to Guy Banister's Anti-Communist League of the Caribbean (ACL) which had a large Somoza presence. In the early 1960s, former FBI agent William Guy Banister – whose detective agency in New Orleans has been linked by some to Oswald – became the Louisiana coordinator for the Minutemen.

Banister also had close ties to the Anti-Communist League of the Caribbean (ACL) which was created in 1954. The ACL's U.S. general counsel, Maurice Brooks Gatlin, was a close Banister associate. In October 1957, the Anti-Communist League of the Americas (ACLA) operated out of Suite 1605-07 of the Claiborne Towers in New Orleans. Gatlin signed one letter for The Anti-Communista Committee of the Americas (Caribbean Division) which suggests that the New Orleans office might have been the headquarters of an organization that had divisions in other parts of Central America since the stationary from the ACLA lists Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama, Cuba, Dominican Republic, and Haiti.

Frankhouser certainly encountered far right Cubans in the extreme right underground. One FBI file reports that John Sullivan, the New York chairman of the U.S. Nationalist Party, spoke at a meeting in the early 1960s with "Mr. Gonzalez Santiago, a member of the Cuban Nationalist Association (CNA) who spoke in place of Mr. Felipe Rivera, Director of the CNA, who was unable to attend the meeting. Santiago stated that if the United States would supply enough weapons to the Cubans who are living in exile, the overthrow of Fidel Castro in Cuba would be imminent without any blood being shed by American soldiers."

In 1959 Filipe Rivera, head of the CAN, fled Cuba for New York. According to a report by the Cuban government, Rivera first founded the Cuban Nationalist Movement (MNC). Caught at the Bay of Pigs, he spent 19 months in a Cuban prison. When he returned to the United States he reportedly helped organize attacks including the firing of a bazooka at the UN when Che Guevara was scheduled to speak there. In 1992 he invited David Duke to speak to his organization. See [[ m/content/felipe- rivero+"Cuban+nationalist+association"+"felipe+rivero"&cd=1&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=us&so]].

As for John Sullivan, he and Douglas Kaye led the tiny U.S. Nationalist Party. The U.S. Nationalist Party (also known as the Nationalist Party) was made up of the remnants of John Patler and Dan Burros' splinter group from George Lincoln Rockwell's American Nazi Party known as the American National Party. (During their ANP adventure, Burros and Patler also published a tiny magazine called Kill!) After Patler and Burros had a falling out and Patler rejoined Rockwell, the remaining members of the tiny sect created the Nationalist Party. (See George Thayer: The Farther Shore of American Politics (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1967), 31.) As for Frankhouser, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, he continued to train far right Cuban exiles at a Minuteman camp in Pennsylvania.

4 Now available on the web at Dennis King's website,

5 See the chapter for more.

6 Frankhouser was arrested by Philadelphia police on 23 December 1962. See Hearings, 3346.

7 When the NCLC Security Staff met Frankhouser, they could have easily had a Russian speaker there to confirm if he in fact spoke Russian.

8 For references to Duggan, see and

9 The Scott Thompson story has never been picked up in print by any other author that I am aware of with the sole exception of Michael Collins Piper in his book Final Judgment: The Missing Link in the JFK Assassination Conspiracy (Washington, DC: The Center for Historical Review, 1998), 319-21. Piper is a long-time associate of Willis Carto. Not surprisingly, his book attempts to prove that JKF was killed by a Jewish conspiracy.

In a brief "Appendix 2" (entitled "The Man from the Klan"), Piper reprints the 20 November 1975 New Solidarity article in full. However he also writes that the "Inclusion of this material is in no way intended by the author of Final Judgment to serve as an endorsement of the information related therein, but is simply provided so that there may be as complete a record as possible of the little-known areas of the JFK assassination conspiracy research can be examined by independent-minded individuals who are truly interested in finding out the truth." (319.) Piper later remarks: "How much of what Frankhauser claims is true is beyond the scope of this volume." (321.)

10 The FBI documents I discuss here from the mid-1960s were found on the website of the Mary Ferrell Foundation.

11 See Rose's article "Der Fuhrer Blows in the Stormtroopers" in The Fourth Decade, 3/6 (September 1996). On Frankhouser and the SWP, see Rose's note 8, page 26. Also see Jerry Rose, "Oswald and the Nazis," The Fourth Decade, 3/2 (January 1996). In the latter article, Rose wondered whether or not Oswald could have gotten the location for the American National Party – which ex-American Nazi Party members Dan Burros and John Patler created and whose address Oswald included in his notebook – from reading something in the left press. Although Rose thought it unlikely, it now seems certain that Oswald came across the information in the CP paper The Worker. See Kevin Coogan, Dreamer of the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International (New York: Autonomedia: 1999), 616-17. Coogan reports that the article in question was from the 20 March 1961 issue of The Worker written by Mike Newberry and entitled "American Nazis Establish Their National Headquarters in Queens."

12 Robert A. Surrey, for example, served as General Edwin A. Walker's personal assistant and was the critical witness to the reported shooting of Walker by Oswald in Dallas on 10 April 1963. At the time of the shooting, Surrey doubled as the head of George Lincoln Rockwell's American Nazi Party (ANP) branch in Texas as well as a key funder of Rockwell and the printer of ANP literature. (Surrey took as his ANP party name "Max Amann" in honor of the Nazi Party's main printer in Germany.) However there is no evidence to suggest that General Walker embraced Surrey's Nazi views personally. Minuteman leader Robert De Pugh also claimed that Rockwell's Nazis in Texas were being funded by the oil man Clint Murchison. See William Turner, Power on the Right (Berkeley: CA: Ramparts Press, 1971), 94. On Surrey and the ANP, see Frederick Simonelli, American Fuehrer: George Lincoln Rockwell and the American Nazi Party (Urbana: IL: University of Illinois Press, 1999) and Jeffrey A. Kaplan (ed.), Encyclopedia of White Power: A Sourcebook on the Radical Racist Right (Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 2000).

Yet another odd connection to the ANP appears in New Orleans where a mysterious English fascist named Michael Slatter had created a branch of the ANP in the Big Easy. Slatter first visited Rockwell's headquarters in Virginia in March 1961. He then arranged for Rockwell and a band of his Virginia Nazis to visit New Orleans in May 1961. Jerry Rose reports in "Oswald and the Nazis" that Dan Campbell, a private investigator for Banister, said that Colonel Bluford Balter, "owner of the Balter Building in which Banister's office was located, had sent a check to Rockwell to cover the cost of ANP members coming to New Orleans to picket the movie Exodus." Jack Martin, yet another strange figure in New Orleans with ties to Banister, stated that "Rockwell was represented by Banister [and Banister's lawyer friend Gatlin] when he was arrested for disturbances in New Orleans, presumably the same incident associated with the Exodus picketing." (Rose, 25) The connection between Bannister and Gatlin was also reported in a June 1970 Ramparts story by William Turner.

Slatter's visit to Rockwell's Virginia headquarters is also mentioned in A. M. Rosenthal and Arthur Gelb, One More Victim (New York: New American Library, 1967), a biography of Daniel Burros. According to One More Victim, when Rockwell went to New Orleans, he was dismayed that the Nazis there were largely members of the NSRP, a group Rockwell despised. (Rosenthal and Gelb, 140-41.) The NSRP, in turn, accused Rockwell of being far too cozy with the FBI. In "Oswald and the Nazis," Jerry Rose writes (p, 24):

That the NSRP might have been behind the formation of the American National Party is quite intriguing. Whether or not this was the case, it is certainly a fact that the NSRP leaders were familiar with Patler, Burros and their New York City operation by March, 1962. In the NSRP's magazine, The Thunderbolt, for that date (issue no. 40, p. 8), the editors present laudatory sketches of Patler and Burros, even holding up as a model for other patriots the conditions of their headquarters in Queens (which other commentators refer to as a "shanty"), which shows "what can be done with a little paint and a fixing up." Thunderbolt issue no. 48, January 1963, reports on an NSRP meeting in New York at which legal funds were collected for Patler after his arrest on a picket line.

For more on Michael Slatter, see page 5 of an article in the Canadian Jewish Review from 12 April 1963 which reads:

The commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising takes place at a time of intensified neo-Nazi and neo-Fascist activity in many countries of the world. They are also working toward their combination into international units, with the purpose of establishing world-wide bodies. All this could probably be epitomized in the example of Michael Slatter, son of the late British Air Marshal, Sir Leonard Slatter, who proclaimed that he had taken over the leadership of the British National Socialist movement after their leader, Colin Jordan, was jailed for his Nazi activities. "I am proud to be a member of the National Socialist movement and I admire Hitter as a great man," said Michael Slatter.


In early 2015, a study of Slatter and New Orleans produced more documentation:

In 1992, Bill Russell, a legendary figure in understanding the history of jazz, died in New Orleans at age 87. Besides writing extensively on the history of jazz, Russell ran a famous music story in the city. He also recorded some famous jazz musicians. At his side for part of that time in the early 1960s was none other than the English fascist Michael Slatter! For example, in 1959, Russell and Slatter recorded a performance by Kid Thomas Valentine’s Creole Jazz Band’s “Stingaree Blues” at WDSO Radio Studio in New Orleans. Kid Thomas was a leading jazz trumpeter and bandleader who died in 1987.
In a 2007 memoir of his time in New Orleans entitled Walking with Legends, an Englishman named Barry Martyn recalled his first visit to the city in 1961 as a 19-year-old jazz fanatic and his initial meeting with Bill Russell at his record store, then opposite Preservation Hall. Seeing that Martyn was English, Russell told him, “There’s another crazy Englishman in town – his name’s Mike Slatter. Do you know him? When Martyn said “no,” Russell told him he would meet Slatter “sooner or later.” Martyn continues,
I was visiting Bill Russell at his store every day, and one day he told me that the other crazy Englishman, Mike Slatter, would be there the following day. I knew who Mike Slatter was; he’d recorded that great session with the Kid Thomas band – the one with “Coconut Island” and “Mama Inez.” Anyway, he arrived at Bill’s store in a black suit and a white shirt. He must have been at least six feet six inches tall, and he ducked his head as he came through the store. He spoke with an upper-class British accent. He had a fabulous enthusiasm for New Orleans music . . . .
Mike was something of a fascist. In later years, I visited him in Chelsea, London, and he had pictures of Adolf Hitler on all the walls. In fact, he even answered the door dressed as a storm trooper – black riding pants, boots, and all that. It was weird: you’d be talking about Kid Thomas, and he’d suddenly switch the conversation to solving the Jewish problem. It seemed impossible that you could like a man who held views like that, but he was really a very nice guy. Strangely, in music, he was absolutely not a racist, and all the New Orleans musicians really liked him. . . . Eventually, Mike Slatter had to leave England because of his fascist connections, and I think he moved to Spain. I’d love to see him again.

13 Dennis King, Lyndon LaRouche and the New American Fascism (New York:Doubleday, 1989), 199.

14 For a reference to "Carol Larrabee," see Tim Wohlforth, The Prophet's Children: Travels on the American Left (Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1994), 130. Wohlforth knew LaRouche as well. See

15 For more on Chris and Carol White, see the discussion of "the Chris White Affair" in Smiling Man from a Dead Planet.

16 Rosenthal and Gelb, 183. For a study of the Pennsylvania KKK, see Philip Jenkins, Hoods and Shirts: The Extreme Right in Pennsylvania: 1925-1950 (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 1997). Jenkins reports that in the 1930s the German-American Bund had a huge presence in Reading. Jenkins believes there were far more Bundists in Reading than in Philadelphia. The local Bund was sponsored in part by German-American industrialists in the region who wanted to use far-right groups like the Bund to fight the labor movement. For another Bund-linked organization with a presence throughout the region, see Peter Amann, "Vigilante Fascism: The Black Legion as an American Hybrid," Comparative Studies in Society and History, 25/3 (July 1983).

17 Rosenthal and Gelb, 183.

18 Thayer, 42.

19 John George and Laird Wilcox, Nazis, Communists, Klansmen, and Others on the Fringe (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1992), especially pages 284-91 and 318-321.

20 Ibid., 288.

21 Ibid., 286.

22 Frankhouser was born in 1939. (King, 197.) A Philadelphia police department record gives his birth date as 4 November 1939. (Hearings, 3346.) However the FBI files give the date as 11 April 1939. (The confusion may be because the FBI gives the format for the date as "4-11-39" with "4" being the month. It seems the police read "4" as meaning the day and not the month.) Frankhouser also told the police he also served in the Army as a paratrooper "in 1959 and 1960" but Army documents clearly show that Frankhouser was discharged from the Army on 18 November 1957. (George and Wilcox, 288.) Frankhouser was, however, active in the CAP in 1959-60.

23 It is possible that Frankhouser got a "general discharge under honorable conditions" which ranks below a regular honorable discharge and usually indicates good service but some kind of aberrant behavior or character trait. Dan Burros also received a "general discharge under honorable conditions."

24 On the bombing, see

25 "IPS" stands for the "International Press Service." It was later renamed the "NSIPS" as in "New Solidarity International Press Service."

26 On Duggan and the PNG, see php?n=Library.UnityNow1.

27 The Illuminator at one time served as part of the Minutemen network and its Patriotic Party front. For a brief mention of The Illuminator, see Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Rabb, The Politics of Unreason (Chicago: the University of Chicago Press, 1978), xx, 337.

28 Students of the Kennedy assassination know that Michael Paine (not "John Paine") was married to Ruth Hyde Paine.

As for Governor Patterson, he was actually the governor of Alabama. (James Coleman was the governor of Mississippi from 1956 to 1960.) Yet part of this confusion may be related to the fact that the Mississippi WCC did help create the State Sovereignty Commission whose agents would "tape sermons and lectures of ministers and professors who were suspected of being soft on segregation; it had a pack of informers to weed out the unfaithful in colleges and schools. . . ." (Thayer, 121.)

Investigative organizations like the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission, the Alabama Legislative Commission to Preserve the Peace, and the security division of the Alabama State Police would no doubt welcome information from groups like the WCC, NSRP and KKK-allied networks in the North with the capacity to spy on the very leftist and civil rights groups who were sending activists into the South. Frankhouser could well have been working for both the Mississippi and Alabama governments via the WCC network. Frankhouser, however, told the New York Times that he was working for the Virginia WCC – and not the Mississippi WCC – when he infiltrated the SWP. It would seem reasonable to assume that he was part of some broader coordinated grouping that funneled information into the segregationist network in the South.

29 The SWP had its own camp in rural New Jersey named "Mountain Spring Camp." Nor was the camp or its location a secret. It was regularly featured in the pages of the SWP party paper the Militant. The Militant also ran pictures of the camp showing just what a bucolic site it really was. For more background on the camp, see Barry Sheppard, The Party: Volume 1; The Sixties: A Political Memoir (Chicago: Resistance Books, 2005), 30.

As for the CP's Camp Midvale, in 1966 the Minutemen planned a major attack on Camp Midvale. Minuteman leader Robert DePugh claimed that the CPUSA was selecting youth from American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) programs and sending them to sites like Camp Midvale for advanced training. In a report released on 22 September 1966, J. Edgar Hoover also claimed that Camp Midvale was "a camp for Communist youth." On 31 October 1966, the New York police department (using information from its Bureau of Special Services and Investigation (BOSSI)) arrested a group of 19 heavily armed Minutemen who were preparing to firebomb Camp Midvale. Similar raids across New York State led to the confiscation of a massive stash of weapons as well as close to two million rounds of ammunition. For more on Camp Midvale's history and its links to the Communist Party, see

30 It should be noted that these charge came from the testimony of Jerry Brooks, a former Minutemen who testified for the government. During a 1966 trial of Minutemen leader Robert DePugh in Kansas City on charges of violation of the National Firearms Act, Brooks admitted under cross-examination that he had concocted the cyanide plot himself and mentioned it at a Minutemen training camp. He denied, however, that he came up with the idea to kill Fulbright. However Brooks said he gave a lecture on assassinations at the training camp. See the 10 November 1966 New York Times article, "U.N. Plot Traced by Ex-Minuteman."

31 If Frankhouser had any direct encounter with the FBI in connection with the JFK assassination, it may be because in April 1964 the Bureau received a report that a local Philadelphia-area Nazi named Theodore Thesing said he was glad Kennedy was killed. Thesing showed two local FBI Special Agents his membership card #55 in the American Nazi Party. Thesing's name was also sent to the FBI by George Lincoln Rockwell shortly after Kennedy's death as one of a number of former American Nazi Party types whom he felt might be potentially dangerous. Another name on that list was Frank Rotella, who later became the head of the KKK in New Jersey and a good friend of Roy Frankhouser. (On Rockwell's letter, see Rose, "Der Fuhrer" which reprints Rockwell's 27 November 1963 letter to Hoover. Frank Rotella is also mentioned in Rose, "Oswald and the Nazis," p. 23.) The FBI then seems to have questioned various local extremist rightists and so they may well have spoken with Frankhouser.

32 Thayer, 111-12.

33 During the 1958 campaign, George Wallace ran to the left of Patterson and he aggressively attacked Patterson for his backing from the Klan until his advisers convinced him it was a losing issue. After Wallace took power, he courted the NSRP and used the head of the Alabama Department of Public Safety, Al Lingo – who also ran the state police – to work with NSRP leader Ed Fields. See Dan Carter, The Politics of Rage: George Wallace, the Origins of the New Conservatism, and the Transformation of American Politics (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996), 139, 164-169.

34 Patsy Sims, The Klan (New York: Stein and Day, 1978), 112.

35 Ibid., 113. The Klan Bureau of Investigation (KBI) was the KKK's internal security organization.

36 It should also be noted that the FBI had numerous informers inside the SWP's ranks. The FBI also repeatedly carried out "black bag" break-ins to the SWP's national headquarters to copy documents. The SWP was the first organization targeted for COINTELPRO as well. On the extent of the FBI operations against the SWP, see At no time did the FBI discover anything remotely like a secret paramilitary camp, much less one dedicated to assassinating President Eisenhower.

37 To make matters even more confusing, there was a real "George Paine" in New York. This was George Lyman Paine, Michael Paine's father. George Lyman Paine had been a long time member of the SWP. In the early 1950s, however, George Lyman Paine broke with the SWP although he still remained an independent leftist. See Paine. (He was also called "Lyman Paine" by his friends.)

It should be noted that the real Ruth and Michael Paine lived in the Philadelphia area until late 1959. Ruth Hyde moved to Philadelphia in the summer of 1954 after she went on a 1954 summer tour with a group associated with the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) called the Friends World Committee. As part of that tour, she spent some time at Pendle Hill, a Quaker training camp outside Philadelphia. A leading figure in Pendle Hill was a long-time "anti anti-communist" named James Bristol who believed the U.S. should engage in complete nuclear disarmament. Trained as a Lutheran minister, Bristol spent part of World War II in a CO Camp. He then joined the AFSC staff in 1947 and became the director of the Quaker's Youth Division. In 1954 James Bristol wrote a "Pendle Hill Pamphlet" attacking McCarthyism. In 1961 he put out Stand Fast in Liberty (Pendle Hill Pamphlet #19) where he attacked HUAC, the John Birch Society, and the anti-Communist climate in America. He also seems to have been part of a Quaker group that befriended a group of 31 Communist Party members who lost their positions as schoolteachers in the Philadelphia education system by refusing to appear before a Congressional Committee.

From August 1954 to May 1955, Ruth Hyde was associated with the Young Men's Hebrew Association and the Young Women's Hebrew Association where she worked with the elderly. She then taught at the Germantown Friends Academy. Ruth Hyde also took a Russian language course at the University of Pennsylvania in the summer of 1957 and a Berlitz course in Russian in 1958. She also worked with the East-West Contact Section of the Friends World Committee. Ruth and Michael met at a folk dance sometime in either 1956 or 1957 and they were married on 28 December 1957. Michael Paine had attended Swarthmore College but dropped out in 1953 to work for his stepfather Arthur Young in designing helicopters. In the late 1950s, the Paines lived with the Youngs in Paoli, a suburb of Philadelphia. For Ruth Hyde Paine's testimony before the Warren Commission about her life in Philadelphia, see r3.htm. Given the fact that Ruth and Michael Paine (for whatever reason) did move in left-liberal circles like the AFSC which had a strong presence in Philadelphia, it is not utterly impossible that Frankhouser or one of his far-right friends may have met them at some event in Philadelphia. However the real Ruth and Michael Paines left Philadelphia in late 1959 to move to Texas. The "Paynes" Frankhouser knew entered his life around the time that the Paines were no longer living in Philadelphia.

38 The letter appeared on page four of the 19 December 1960 issue of the Militant and is entitled "On the SLP." The letter reads as follows:

On the SLP Editor:
I am glad to see the question of the Socialist Labor Party being taken up at last. This has been long overdue. There is no doubt in my mind that the SWP will win the debate with the SLP since the contemporary SLP is far more rigid and sectarian than De Leon ever was.
It should be remembered that De Leon more than once tried to bring together his party and the Socialist Party of Debs, and participated in the working-class "united front" that was the founding of the Industrial Workers of the World, along side of Debs.
The main difference between the SWP and the SLP is summed up in a letter in the Nov. 21 Militant from a couple in Indiana: "Yours is the only radical party that knows how to fight for as well as talk about socialist solutions." This speaks volumes.
The SLP's dogma against participating in reform movements because they are "concealed measures of reaction" is in reality an aid to the reformist upholders of capitalism. It simply gives the Dubinskys and Adlai Stevensons a free hand.
A reform is a concealed measure of reaction when it is used as a substitute for socialism. By isolating itself from the class battles of the workers, the SLP only guarantees that these battles will degenerate in substitutes for socialism.
George Payne New York

39 The Mary Ferrell Foundation archive includes on the printouts "FBI JFK Assassination File (62-109060)" on some of the documents.

40 In early 1964 FBI agents interviewed various far right extremists in the Philadelphia region about any possible involvement in or knowledge of any extremist plot to kill Kennedy. See note 31 above.

41 One FBI informant may have been a friend of Frankhouser named John Canaris. He had some of Frankhouser's files which Frankhouser had given him for safe keeping according to an 18 May 1967 FBI report. Another Frankhouser contact who might have had the documents was named Ed Lotz. Exactly where Frankhouser eventually found the two documents is not clear from the FBI documents.

42 The field office number was 105-4158 while the Bureau File # was 97-4262.

43 The FBI file number on the document dated 12 June 1967 from the Philadelphia FBI Office is 157-916.

44 I believe "liberoly" ("free the oppressed") is the motto describing the mission of the 82nd Airborne.

45 Presumably this is where Frankhouser was supposed to supply information about his time in the military. The fact that Frankhouser never filled in his information and that he kept the letter suggests that Larrabee wrote the letter and sent it to Frankhouser to fill in the details of his military service and then expected Frankhouser to send the letter on to Barrett. However it is also possible that Larrabee both wrote and signed the letter on behalf of both of them and as a courtesy sent Frankhouser a copy.

46 The FBI checked its sources about the Young Socialist League or YLS. Here is a summary of what the FBI obtained on the group:

The 3/1/59 issue of the Young Socialist Challenge published on page 3 of Labor Action, an official publication of the Independent Socialist League (ISL), contained an article concerning the creation of the YSL, which pointed out that at a unity conference occurring 2/12-14/54, at Labor Action Hall, New York, N.Y., a merger conference between the Young People's Socialist League (YPSL) and the Socialist Youth League (SYL). The new organization was named the YSL.
T-1 on 6/15/54 made available the minutes of the YSL's National Action Committee meeting on 4/13/54, which reflected that one S. SITEMAN, Chairman of the SP (Socialist Party) Youth Committee, had objected to a statement appearing in Commerce, a New York University journal, which indicated that the YPSL merged with the SYL to form the YSL. He explained that YPSL did not merge with anyone; that it continued to exist as the youth action of the SP. He explained that a small group of the YPSL was dropped, expelled or suspended from that organization and joined the SYL, which he characterized as the youth group of the Trotskyite ISL He explained that after these few former members of the YPSL joined the SYL, the SYL then proceeded to change its name for its own purposes.
On 4/9/56 T-2 advised as follows:
The YSL has frequently worked in close sympathetic cooperation with the ISL toward similar objectives, although each major issue given mutual consideration is decided upon by these organizations individually. The YSL serves as an apprenticeship for the ISL, but ISL selection of members from YSL ranks is made on an individual and personal basis. In many instances YSL members are also members of the ISL. The YSL and the ISL utilize the same printing house at New York City and the YSL publication is printed as an insert in Labor Action. Frequently lecturers before the YSL are ISL members.
The 9/22/58 issue of Young Socialist Challenge, which appeared as page 5 of Labor Action, contained an undated statement from the National Action Committee of the YSL which indicated that the YSL had been dissolved. The statement appeared under the caption "Join the Young Peoples Socialist League." The YPSL is probably known as the youth affiliate of the Socialist Party-Social Democratic Federation.

47 Peter Drucker, Max Shachtman and His Left: A Socialist's Odyssey Through the "American Century" (New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1994), 263.

48 On the creation of the American Forum for Socialist Education, see 13 May 1957 New York Times article "New Leftist Unit Set Up; Reds in It" by Harry Schwartz.

49 Sheppard, 21-22.

50 See the 2 May 1957 New York Times.

51 See the 25 April 1960 issue of the Militant for a front page story written by David Stevens about the launching of the YSA as a national organization at the Philadelphia convention.

52 Put another way, Frankhouser more or less became a "National Socialist" in that he took seriously radical critiques of "plutocracy" but he combined these views with a strong "racial" outlook that he claimed was rooted in scientific theory. For the FBI and its informants, however, Frankhouser's fascination with both the far right and far left seemed further proof that he was psychotic. The NSRP also had a "left" side. George Thayer quotes NSRP leader Ed Fields as saying, "'We differ from conservatives . . . in that we do not oppose TVA, Social Security and Medicare. We call ourselves the 'Farmers and Workers Party.' We have a Social Security program that is much more generous than the present program." Thayer, 42.

53 The following analysis of the world of Polzin, Fred Weiss, and the NRP draws heavily on Kevin Coogan's biography of Francis Parker Yockey, Dreamer of the Day. For specific references to Polzin in that text, see Coogan, 478, 486, fn. 5.

54 The text is available at It is in a section entitled "After Investigating" on pgs. 106-07.

55 On Williams and the SWP, see Timothy Tyson, "Robert F. Williams, 'Black Power,' and the Roots of the African American Freedom Struggle," The Journal of American History, 85/2 (September 1998), 553-54, 560.

56 Williams was later smuggled out of Monroe – where he was almost certainly going to be either arrested by the FBI on bogus "kidnapping" charges or killed by white racists – by an underground network that brought him first to New York City, and then to Canada and finally to Cuba. Besides Tyson, see

57 See Oliver was expelled from the John Birch Society for his extreme anti-Semitism.

58 However Frankhouser could not have met LaRouche at the one Militant Labor Forum presentation that LaRouche gave in the SWP since it took place some two years later. On 2 March 1962, LaRouche (a/k/a "Lynn Marcus") gave a talk entitled "Freud and Marx. Their Theories of Knowledge" at a Friday night Militant Labor Forum. The notice for LaRouche's talk appears in the 26 February 1962 issue of the Militant on page 2 of the paper in the "Weekly Calendar" section. Lyndon LaRouche had been recruited to the SWP in 1949 in Lynn, Massachusetts, so for his party name he chose "Lynn Marcus." (After he left the SWP in 1966, LaRouche dropped the last "n." He now spelled his pseudonym either "L. Marcus" or "Lyn Marcus." For more, see

In examining issues of the Militant from 1959 to March 1962, the only other mention of LaRouche I could find was a brief letter to the editor that "Lynn Marcus" wrote in the 5 January 1959 about the New York union leader Mike Quill. I believe George Larrabee also wrote at least two other letters to the Militant under the name "George L." from New York. The letters complained about the design of the paper which he felt made it hard to read. As a commercial artist, it is not surprising that Larrabee would be interested in this issue. A "Carol L" wrote a letter to the editor of the Militant asking that the SWP examine the way the New York subway system was financed. The writer was quite likely Carol Larrabee, whose SWP party name was "Carol Lawrence." If so, it shows a very early proto-Labor Committee interest in the politics of mass transit. For more, see

59 An FBI document dated 2 May 1960 whose subject is "Young Socialist Club of Philadelphia IS-C," lists Frankhouser as a member of the YS Club as of 15 April 1960.

60 For more, see Greg Rose, "The Smarmy Life and Times of the NCLC" first published in the 30 March 1979 National Review and now available at On the NCLC, the NRP and Iraq, see Rose, 411. Rose had been a member of the NCLC's Security Staff.

61 By 1962-1963 Frankhouser also become a leading figure in the East Coast branch of the Minutemen and in particular its "intelligence" and "counter-intelligence" branch.

62 On the history of the Northern League and its leader Roger Pearson, see Coogan, 468-489.

63 An FBI report on Frankhouser's friend said he spent $500 of funds he had in a savings account which had been given to him by his grandmother to go to Europe. "While in England ___ attended a meeting, international in scope, of various rightist groups. The source heard ___ make the statement that he engaged in some picketing in England and had some of his lower teeth knocked out in an altercation. ___ stated a youth group was formed in England while he was there, and similar international meetings of rightist groups are to be held once a year." Nor is it entirely clear if Frankhouser's friend spent all his time in England. Before leaving, he told his Local Draft Board that it was "his intention to leave April 29th for travel in England, France, and Germany, returning 6/1/61." Frankhouser's friend had been a student at Reading High School.

64 Dan Burros and John Patler's tiny American Nationalist Party also endorsed the OAS. The 13 April 1962 New York Times reported that the OAS in Oran, Algeria, was distributing a pamphlet from America giving support to the OAS. The pamphlet was published by "the National Committee of American Friends of the French Secret Army Organization, in cooperation with and under the sponsorship of The American National Party, Post Office Box 191, Gracie Station, New York, 28, N.Y." The Times then said the ANP "is reported to consist often young men here and eleven in Louisiana. Its headquarters is reported to be in a shanty at 97-15 190th Street, Hollis, Queens." Just who were the "eleven" members in Louisiana remains a mystery but presumably they were associated with the NSRP group around Michael Slatter that Rockwell despised.

65 The name was later changed to the World Union of National Socialists (WUNS).

66 See "Neo-Nazi Party Demotes Aide Who Hid Jewish Background," 5 November 1965 New York Times.

67 For more on the ACFI specifically, see ki/pmwiki.php?n=Librarv.ManvTheoriesofLMarcus.

68 The 80-something Charles Smith, head of Truth Seeker, was arrested at the Newburgh protest and charged with disorderly conduct.

69 The Middletown Times Herald Record story may have been inspired by a short earlier report in the 2 November 1965 edition of the Evening News of Newburgh which in a piece entitled "Background of Burros Reported" first broke the news using records from the Newburgh Free Academy (where Robert Burros had gone to school) that Burros "was religiously affiliated with Temple Beth Jacob, Newburgh."

70 Deliberately making contact with the FBI and then offering the FBI information seems to have been a calculated ploy. For example, when one of Frankhouser's fellow Civil Air Patrol members in Pennsylvania asked him about his going to radical events, Frankhouser said that there was nothing to worry about and that the FBI knew all about it and that he personally was in contact with the FBI. People like Frankhouser may have used the FBI to feed the Bureau and other police and government sources incriminating information on their rivals. Daniel Burros even cultivated a relationship with the New York City police "Red Squad" intelligence service BOSSI (the Bureau of Special Services and Investigation). According to One More Victim, "Burros, like most of the other Nazis and pseudo-Nazis, relished his role as informer. . . . Burros never took any money for informing but frequently would take the initiative by calling his police contacts." Rosenthal and Gelb, 159.

71 On Robert Burros' features see the 5 November 1965 New York Times. On Dan Burros being blond and blue-eyed, see One More Victim, 185.

72 Rosenthal and Gelb, 171-72.

73 More information on the Stephen Landesberg case can be found on the Mary Ferrell Foundation's website. When I cite an FBI report on Landesberg, it comes from files found at the Mary Ferrell Foundation's website. Also see Stan Weeber, "Stephen H. Landesberg and the Greenwich Village Hoax," The Fourth Decade, 2/3 (January 1995); Weeber's letter to the editor about the Landesberg case in The Fourth Decade, 3/4 (May 1996); and Carleton W. Sterling, "Stephen Landesberg: Another Media Cover-Up," The Fourth Decade, 3/6 (September 1995).

74 During this period, members of the radical right frequently disrupted leftist meetings. Dan Burros and John Patler's New York-based American National Party (ANP) regularly tracked and disrupted leftist gatherings. "Burros and Patler followed Rockwell's technique of keeping an eye out for any left or liberal meeting they could picket. . . Burros would pore over the newspapers for word of a meeting . . . and when he could round up a few people would appear, after having notified the newspapers. . . . Most of the time, the newspapers ignored the picketers except for a word or two. The only assured way to break into print was to start enough rumors to attract the police and perhaps get arrested." Rosenthal and Gelb, 151-52.

75 See Edith Ashbury, "F.B.I. Checks Reported Oswald-Rightist Link" in the 30 November 1963 New York Times; "Was Oswald in the Village," The Village Voice, 28 November 1963; and "FBI Searches the Village for Pal of Oswald," New York Newsday, 30 November 1963.

76 Landesberg's first name also is spelled both as "Stephen" and "Steven" although I believe 'Stephen" is the correct spelling.

77 After Kennedy's death, Landesberg called Barry Gray whose show he had been on two years earlier, to tell him about Oswald being in New York under the name "James Rizzuto." An FBI report then states that "Arrangements were made with BARRY GRAY for Bureau agents of the New York Office to interview RIZZUTO."

Another FBI file states that after Barry Gray contacted the FBI about the call, Gray said that "that the FBI might be interested in interviewing this individual named James Rizutto, in Mr.Gray's office." The interview then took place on 23 November 1963. The report continues:

The FBI accordingly dispatched Agents to Barry Gray's offices where they questioned an individual who gave his name as James F. Rizzuto who claimed he had served in the United States Marines with Stephen Yves L'Eandes and Lee Harvey Oswald. . . . Rizzuto told the FBI Agents that L'Eandes was an individual who went around trying to break up integration meetings by heckling tactics and that Oswald had accompanied L'Eandes to a number of such meetings.

At the meeting in Gray's office with FBI Special Agents Wayne Morse and Leonard H. Me Coy, "RIZZUTO was very nervous and advised he did not want to be contacted again if possible and also reiterated that he had no known address."

Since the Agents met "Rizutto" in Barry Gray's office, wouldn't Gray recognize the fact that "Rizutto" was the same "Stephen L'Eandes" that he had on his radio show to discuss CORE some two years earlier? It is possible that when Gray said he had "L'Eandes" on his show, "L'Eandes" simply was a caller who phoned in to the show on CORE but the impression one gets from reading the FBI documents is that "L'Eandes" was actually an invited guest. Barry Gray also had a newspaper column and in the mid-1950s he wrote repeated diatribes against groups like the National Renaissance Party and so he had some knowledge of and interest in the New York far right.

78 The FBI could not locate an "Earl Perry" who fit the L'Eandes story. Of course since almost everyone in the far right used false names and elaborate cover stories to begin with, finding "Earl Perry" would not be easy, even assuming he existed outside of Landesberg's imagination. Again, if there was one government agency that might have known about him, it would have been BOSSI.

79 This may have been a reference to the Mississippi WCC. One of the founders of the Mississippi WCC, Judge Brady, proposed calling the group the "Sons of the White Magnolias." See: Neil Mc Millen: The Citizens' Council: Organized Resistance to the Second Reconstruction (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1971), p. 18.

80 The FBI records, however, indicate that Landesberg was actually interviewed in Barry Gray's office.

81 Rosenthal and Gelb, 158.

82 Tony Ulasewicz, The President's Private Eye (Westport, Conn.: MACSAM Publishing, 1990), 129-44.

83 Joesten was wrong about Columbia. In September 1963 "Stephen H. Landes" registered as a special student at Columbia where he took a philosophy class in "Aesthetics and Religion" dealing with the "literature of introspection in Western religion." See the 9 December 1963 issue of the Columbia Daily Spectator which is reprinted in Sterling.

84 See fn. 3 for a discussion of the Lake Pontchartrain camp.

85 See Also see my separate appendix on Duggan and the Church of Satan at

86 Hearings, 3359. Burros then added, "We will also have as a guest the Grand Dragon of Penn. This man is a real hero of ours, who had his eye torn out by gangsters in the pay of communists." This was Roy Frankhouser who also first recruited Burros into the KKK in the summer of 1965.

87 Rosenthal and Gelb, 228.

88 The local Alabama police spent a vast amount of time spying on civil rights activists. Dan Carter reports: "Police departments in the dozen largest Alabama cities, particularly Birmingham and Montgomery, devoted hundreds of hours to monitoring 'subversives.'

In 1963 alone, the Birmingham anti-subversion squad infiltrated and – sometimes openly, sometimes secretly – tape recorded more than fifty 'civil rights' meetings as well as a smaller number of Ku Klux Klan and National States Rights Party gatherings. At the same time, carefully cultivated informants supplied state and local police with detailed inside accounts of meetings and decisions." Carter, 229. As Carter also points out, at the same time that certain local police units tried to track the NSRP because of the group's key role in bombings, other sections of the Alabama government used the NSRP to fight integration. The NSRP headquarters also relocated to Birmingham in the early 1960s where the party published The Thunderbolt.

89 Hearings, 3352.

90 Nor was Roy Frankhouser completely in the dark when it came to PI work. In Lyndon LaRouche and the New American Fascism, Dennis King writes about Frankhouser: "His late stepfather was a private detective for whom Roy worked in the early 1960s." King, 197. The early FBI files, however, don't discuss Frankhouser's stepfather (or for that matter Eugene Tabbutt).They only mention Frankhouser's biological father Roy, Sr. However I have only examined some 500 pages of an FBI file that runs to an astonishing 15,000 pages.

91 Hearings, 3394-95.

92 For background on the Knights, see especially Coogan, 598-615. Also see another essay by Coogan on the far right Defenders of the Constitution (DAC) whose leaders also had ties to the Knight entitled "The Defenders of the American Constitution and the League of Empire Loyalists: The First Postwar Anglo-American Revolts against the "One World Order" available at . Also see Dick Russell, The Man Who Knew Too Much (NY: Carroll and Graf Publishers, 1992). There are internet sites devoted to the various groups claiming to be the true Knights of Malta.

93 Coogan, Dreamer, 605. Yet another Pichel Knight was a former CIA official named Herman Kimsey. In 1970 Kimsey was listed as the Pichel group's "Associate Director of International Intelligence."

94 Rosenthal and Gelb, 190.

95 On Rothkirch and IMS, see King, 226. As for Rothkirch's ties to the Pichel Knights, see Russ Bellant, Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party: Domestic Fascist Networks and Their Effect on U.S. Cold War Politics (Cambridge, MA: Political Research Associates, 1988), 99, fn. 139. According to Bellant, Rothkirch also helped set up Truth-in-Press, a Liberty Lobby 501 (c) 3 tax-exempt group.

Rothkirch's history is utterly bizarre. Apparently born Edward T'Kach in St. Paul, Minnesota, 1919, he fought to change his birth certificate to "Eduard von Rothkirch" because he claimed his real father was a German World War I spy named von Rothkirch who fathered him while he was in St. Paul and then left him to be raised with the T'Kach family (also spelled in some reports Tkach). (In another variation of the story, the German spy changed his name to T'Kach to fool Russian agents.) Rothkirch was convicted on fraud charges in the early 1950s and he spent time in the Wisconsin State Hospital for the Criminally Insane. (See a summary of his case in the archives of the Minnesota Health Department records now at the Minnesota Historical Society at Vital Statistics Division An Inventory of Its Subject Files )

One of the strangest mentions of von Rothkirch appears in the 9 May 1948 article in the New York Times by C. Brook Peters entitled "Future Uncertain for General Cernius." The story reported that the last former prime minister of an independent Lithuania, General Jonas Cernius, was now living in New Jersey. Cernius was accompanied to his interview with the Times by Rothkirch who said he had signed an affidavit to help Cernius come to America from England. According to Rothkirch, General Cernius was going to teach history at a new college called Midwestern College which was to be based in the tiny Minnesota town of Hillman. Rothkirch told the paper that he was really the son of a former German WWI espionage agent and that he had three cousins who were generals in the German Army. (A Lieutenant General Count Edwin von Rothkirch led the German force that encircled Bastogne during the Battle of the Bulge.)

As for our Rothkirch, he said he was a police magistrate in Morrison County, Minnesota. However he claimed he was independently wealthy and would inherit a trust fund worth some $4 million at age 35. He said he owned a 2,900 estate in Hillman as well as a ranch in Minnesota and one in California. He also boasted that he had extensive oil and copper interests. According to the Times, Rothkirch did own a 1,450 acre ranch in Hillman, a town of some 40 people in the bush country of Minnesota.

Rothkirch next told the Times that he also was a leader in an "underground railroad" that got refuges out of East Europe and that he has spent some $80,000 of his own money on the cause. He also helped dissident Russian military men to escape. He said he did so "in collaboration with the War Department" and that the Russian press dubbed him "the American Scarlet Pimpernel." When asked about his own military service, he said he was a captain in the U.S. Army Air Force in World War II but he was put on an inactive status and later reactivated as a bombardier-observer and discharged as a warrant officer. He further claimed that he had taken part in guerrilla warfare fights in East Europe.

Rothkirch also admitted that while Midwestern College didn't yet exist, there was an extensive building program underway and that it would be ready by September. Dr. Frederick Michael of Hillman, whom Rothkirch claimed also owned a large plantation in Brazil, would be its president with a Dr. Leonard Martin as Treasurer and Dean. Rothkirch stated that the college would bring together many "of the key figures of Europe and South America. The course on international relations will be without equal in any American college."

The Times checked Rothkirch's story and found that on 7 August 1947 incorporation papers had been filed for Midwestern College. The papers were signed by a M.J. von Rothkirch of 1863 Marshall Avenue in St. Paul as well as H.V. Tkach, F.F. Carlson and F.W. Michael "all of 411 Times Annex, Minneapolis." The paper also checked Rothkirch's claim that he was working in association with the War Department. On 10 May 1948, the Times ran a follow up story. Now Rothkirch backtracked and said he really wasn't working "in collaboration with the War Department" in Eastern Europe but that he supplied information to "certain individuals" in the War Department. He said one such individual was Maj. Gen. John H. Hilldring, a former Assistant Secretary of State for Occupied Areas. (On Hilldring, see H. Hilldrinq.)

For another discussion of Rothkirch's Midwestern College adventure, see the July 2007 Minnesota Monthly available at The 10 Most Unwanted. This article states that in the 1950s Rothkirch wound up serving time in Wisconsin for forged checks. It also states that Rothkirch lost his land in Hillman when he failed to pay rent to the farmer who owned the land. As for General Cernius, he never went on to teach at Midwestern College and seems to have been told he was dealing with questionable individuals. Instead he lectured on Lithuanian issues in the U.S. government-backed Captive Nations movement.

Finally, Rothkirch appears in a book by Robert Morrow entitled First Hand Knowledge: How I Participated in the CIA-Mafia Murder of President Kennedy (New York: Spi Book, 1992), 280-82. Morrow says that Rothkirch used to work for a Washington lawyer/fixer named Marshall Diggs. Diggs represented the Cuban exile leader Mario Garcia Kohly whose career is discussed in fn. 3 above. Morrow states that Diggs had close ties to both the CIA and the Mafia, both of whom were reportedly backing Kohly against more liberal elements inside the U.S. State Department. Kohly also had close ties to Richard Nixon. Morrow uses Rothkirch as his key source for the claim that Nixon encouraged Kohly to jump bail and "go underground" after he was convicted in 1964 on charges of forging Cuban currency. Morrow believes Nixon wanted Kohly out of the picture so he couldn't testify before the Warren Commission or any other body about the various CIA-Mafia plots against Castro.

96 On King Peter, see http://www.orderstiohn.orq/kposi/kphist.htm.

As for Frank A. Capell, he was a right-wing Catholic who had spent decades in the anti-communist demimonde. Capell briefly became known for his book The Strange Death of Marilyn Monroe (Staten Island: NY: The Herald of Freedom, 1964) that tried to link the Kennedy family to her demise. He also published Henry Kissinger, Soviet Agent (Zarephath, NJ: The Herald of Freedom, 1974). The notion that Kissinger was a Soviet agent came from a high defector from Polish intelligence named Michael Goleniewski who went on to become the "Imperial Grand Master" of Pichel's Knights after Goleniewski claimed that he was the hemophiliac son of the last living Tsar, Nicholas II, and should be called Romanov. On Goleniewski, see Goleniewski. Although Capell accepted Goleniewski's claims that Kissinger was a Soviet agent, he broke with the Pichel Knights and followed a rival knightly order led by Paul II of Yugoslavia, the same order Tabbutt backed when he broke with Pichel if New Solidarity is to be believed.

97 In November and December 1977, American Opinion – the flagship magazine of the John Birch Society – published a two part series by Allen entitled "They're Catching On." Allen was a leading proponent that America was run by an invisible government controlled by an Eastern Establishment left-wing cabal around the Rockefellers and the CFR. The cabal worked closely with Russia for profit and also dreamt of imposing a Fabian Socialist regime on America. Allen called this group "the Insiders." Allen's two part series was largely a "I told you so" commentary on articles in various left liberal publications that discussed the Trilateral Commission, the CFR, and even Skull and Bones. He said that finally we are seeing discussions in the larger liberal-left media about the real power elite that controls the nation. But Allen singled out the Labor Committee for criticism despite the fact that it attacked the Rockefellers:

This is not true of the National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC), also known as the U.S. Labor Party (USLP). What makes this group dangerous is that while it is an avowedly Communist organization, it has carefully patterned its conspiracy theory after that of The John Birch Society. What the US Labor Party does, however, is to so twist, distort, and exaggerate the situation that it has the effect of making the whole thing look bizarre and absurd.

Allen also commented on the cult nature of the NCLC and remarked that LaRouche's "psychological hold" over its members "has been compared with that exercised by the leaders of the Moonie and Hare Krishna cults." Also "participation in any activity which does not serve the party's interests generally results in the matter being turned over to its version of the GPU, known as the Security Staff. The NCLC is not a social club for dilettantes."

Allen's main critique of the LC is that LaRouche is either putting forward "a comic parody of the Americanist view of Conspiracy" or one is "being subjected to the ravings of a maniac." Yet, incredibly, the LC has "hoodwinked a few ill-informed Conservatives" after the 1976 elections where the LC claimed vote fraud and said Carter stole the election from Ford. The LC also used this period to do some fund-raising scams. Allen cites an article from the Washington Post by William Chapman which states that there are allegations that some LC fundraisers had been "telling contributors the Labor Party had official Republican support" even though it wasn't true.

How does the LC do it especially since their members don't deny that the LC is Marxist? "But they respond that 'pure Marxism' has never existed anywhere and that at this point in history capitalism is still a viable system. They claim to be Constitutionalists, and go so far as to assert that theoretical Marxism is really very close to the ideals of America's Founding Fathers." Allen continues: "The Labor Party people have made a study of the words, phrases and cliches to which Conservatives respond and they make their approach sound like 'Yankee Doodle Dandy' – even referring to their proposed united front as the 'Whig Coalition.'"

Yet it is easy to show what a huge hoax this all is. "One dead giveaway to the purpose of the NCLC is its attitude toward the Soviet Union and other Communist countries. The Labor Party has never denounced the tyrants who rule the Soviet Union, Red China, Cuba, or any other Communist country. When your author interviewed a Labor Party official in Washington, D.C., he was assured: The Soviet Union is the ultimate enemy of the Rockefeller.'" The reply astonished Allen: "This, of course, flies in the face of 50 years of history, and most especially the past decade in which the Rockefellers and the Soviets have been such open pals that Chase Manhattan actually has bank offices in Moscow at Number One Karl Marx Square."

All this raises the question of who is really funding the NCLC since its operation budget is some $50,000 a week and it runs expensive WATS lines and has teletype links to Europe, etc. "The source of money for this multi-million-dollar venture is unknown. Each branch of the party is given a weekly quota of funds to raise. For example, an intelligence source reports that the Baltimore office is responsible for raising five thousand dollars a week. For the week in which the intelligence source saw the books, the take was exactly four dollars and fifty cents. Who puts up the rest of the money?"

Is it the Rockefellers?

"Oh, it gets curiouser and curiouser. The NCLC has borrowed eight-six thousand dollars from the Rockefellers' Chase Manhattan Bank – a sum which, surprise, it has not repaid. Chase Manhattan says it is all a big mistake, that it meant to loan the NCLC eight thousand dollars on a secured loan but by 'mistake' the computer spat out a check for eighty-six thousand dollars instead. Did a bank ever make a mistake like that when YOU borrowed money? Not me either."

Hence this gives rise to suspicion that perhaps "that the Rockefellers are as usual financing agent provocateurs among their enemies with the idea of making legitimate criticism of their activities look ridiculous."

Allen cites Caroll Quigley as saying that the Morgan interests tried to buy into the Left as well decades earlier. According to Quigley, "More than fifty years ago the Morgan firm decided to infiltrate the Left-wing political movements in the United States. This was relatively easy to do since these groups were starved for funds and eager for a voice to reach the people. Wall Street supplied both." In so doing, the Morgans managed to contain the anti-banking Populist movement.

Now, today, "the Rockefellers are fully capable of repeating the Morgan game. The evidence that this is happening is mostly circumstantial" but if one looks at what the LC is actually doing it makes some sense. The LC anti-Rockefeller hysteria is "largely a parody of carefully researched Americanist materials. It is an obvious attempt to make legitimate Americanist scholarship involving the Rockefellers seem absurd to keep the public from investigating far more serious charges." And this whole effort, perhaps not so accidentally, is taking place just as the mainstream media is picking up on Americanist ideas attacking the Wall Street/CFR-Trilateral Commission power elite. This trend is "something the INSIDERS of the Conspiracy cannot afford." Therefore, Allen concludes, "no radical who is a member of an avowedly Communist party is a legitimate prospect. Such persons not only lack the character our movement requires but are either dangerously confused or enemy agents."

NOTE ON GARY ALLEN'S SOURCES: Gary Allen's book Kissinger The Secret Side of the Secretary of State published in 1976 by 76 Press based in Seal Beach, California portrays Kissinger as "a paid agent of the House of Rockefeller . . . since his days at Harvard." Allen suggests that Kissinger and the CIA especially played a role in watergating Nixon. Allen also used the claims of a former Polish defector named Michael Goleniewski who argued that when he was in Poland in the 1950s he came across files showing that Kissinger had been recruited into a Russian intelligence network in Germany under the code name BOR in the late 1940s. Allen most likely got this information from either Frank Capell's book on Kissinger and/or a Capell article in American Opinion.

Allen's idea that the NCLC received mysterious outside funds from anonymous donors was true in that the organization received mysterious depots at least twice. The organization claimed they were legitimate donations when the banks in question tried to recover the funds claiming clerical errors. The deposits are discussed in New Solidarity as well as an anti-Labor Committee pamphlet entitled Brownshirts of the 70s on page 16. See


As for the late Congressman Larry McDonald, his comments on the LC appeared in the "Extension of Remarks" section of the Congressional Record for 26 January 1977 (pp. 2428-2430). Unlike Allen, who tries to suggest LaRouche may have been covertly aided by the Rockefellers, McDonald implies that the sinister forces behind the LC are East Germany and/or the Soviet Union. McDonald's insert on the LC most likely came from John Rees, a professional anti-communist/ant-subversive who was close to McDonald and Western Goals. From McDonald's concluding remarks:

NCLC/USLP has demonstrated by its own record that it is extreme, violent, and controlled only by the whims and fantasies of its leader, Lyndon LaRouche. Its covert operations are tied to several foreign Communist or totalitarian governments; and it is noted that it has never denounced either the Soviet Union, Cuba, or any other Communist nation. NCLC members have been charged with offenses ranging from assault through firearms violations to kidnapping. The NCLC has been the subject of needed and necessary FBI investigation; yet the FBI is being forced to turn over its files to this dangerous gang. I ask my colleagues to join with me in reconstitution of a House Internal Security Committee to commence open and public investigations into this organization's operations which clearly pose a threat to public order.

McDonald began his remarks noting that the NCLC had even begun sending its members into the corridors of Congress where they harassed legislative aides with their propaganda. Meanwhile the group's leadership whose members held past membership in Moscow-dominated and other Marxist groups had been directing a large "political and economic intelligence gathering" operation "which could be of use to foreign communist governments, such as the East Germans" with whom the LC leadership has developed some kind of relations.

McDonald then launches into a long a detailed history of the LC. He states that "NCLC organizers have repeatedly and publicly stated that the organization believes an armed revolution is necessary to overthrow completely America's political, economic, and social system. The time for the onset of the revolution has been variously stated as 2 to 20 years." Yet for all its ideological claims to being "Communist" and "Socialist revolutionary," in reality the organization in ideological terms "varies from the bizarre to the ludicrous and in practice reflects the violent and unstable eccentricities of its founder and leader Lyndon Hermyle LaRouche." To show LaRouche's role, McDonald even quotes from "Centrism as a Social Phenomenon" – surely the only time that 1968 tract has ever been cited in the Congressional Record.


McDonald provides a brief bio of LaRouche which erroneously states that LaRouche left the SWP in 1957 when he actually left in 1965. Another error comes when a New York Times report is cited which has LaRouche married to "a psychiatrist" in the 1950s. He then mentions LaRouche's relationship to Carol Schnitzer (later Carol White) who was a member of the YSA/SWP. The statement then offers a long list of members of the Free University of New York/Alternate U where LaRouche/"Lyn Marcus" gave his first course. The FUNY catalog described him as a "professional economist and Marxist" who in 1967 was a "co-founder of Village CIPA-Committee for Independent Political Action and author of 'Third Stage of Imperialism.'"

The Congressional Record insert then describes LaRouche giving his class on "Elementary Marxist Economics" at the SDS Summer Liberation School – SLS – at Columbia. The course was described in the SLS catalog as "the development of Marx's method from the German Ideology to the 'tendency for the rate of profit to fall.' Pre-Marxian, Marxian, and recent theories of value; elementary models of economic growth." Another course was offered by Carol who identified herself as "C. LaRouche." This SLS course was on "U.S. Economic Growth and Political History." The Congressional Record insert also states that in the early 1970s LaRouche "increasingly insisted on one man rule while depending on a curious cabal of Greek and German NCLC members, several of whom are not U.S. citizens and who had backgrounds as Communist Party activists." The insert next summarized both Operation Mop Up and the Chris White Affair. It then continues: "Such internal turmoil and paranoia have kept the NCLC at a membership of from 650 to 700 persons. . . . The result has been the creation of a tightly disciplined organization blindly obedient to the whims of Lyndon H. LaRouche and his emissaries."


According to McDonald:

In confidential reports to members, the NCLC/USLP has boasted of having close associations with the East German Communist leadership, Colonel Quaddafi, the Libyan dictator and sponsor of international terrorist operations, and the Iraqi Government which is the sponsor of the Palestine Liberation Organization's 'rejectionist front' terrorists. NCLC/USLP has been conducting industrial intelligence information particularly in West Germany of a variety which would be useful to the East Germans, but which has no conceivable use to the NCLC. The NCLC/USLP leaders responsible for information collection include Uwe Parpart, a German; and Gus [sic] Syvriotis. . . ." Although the LC is also making overtures to the right, "respectable conservatives have rejected the overtures of this violent, vicious totalitarian party. However, NCLC has apparently made inroads among irresponsible conservatives and pseudo-conservatives of the type who have been supporting Colonel Quaddafi of Libya, who now finds his best friends and arms suppliers are the Soviet Communists who give him all he needs for his terrorists.

McDonald next expresses amazement that the LC had even managed to gain inroads with the leadership of the GOP, in particular RNC Executive Director Eddie Mahe over LC claims of pro-Democratic vote fraud in the November 1976 elections. The McDonald insert cites an article in the 19 November 1976 issue of the Right Report edited by Morton Blackwell as well as an article in the 25 November 1976 Washington Star on the same topic. The NCLC even set up the National Fund for a Fair Election "which has its account – No. 0314-1343 at Citibank, Seventh Avenue and 34th Street, New York City." [In other words just a few blocks from the NCLC National Office, then located at 231 West 29th Street.] The report continues: "According to the NCLC, the Committee for a Fair Election is headed by a Jim Lloyd, a 27-year-old stockbroker associated with Reynolds Securities in Denver. The NCLC promoters of the CFE assert that Lloyd has been able to use his father's political connections in advancing their cause."

The CR entry notes that the NCLC's "far left rivals have denounced the group as agents provocateur" and they have since claimed that the NCLC "is some secret Government-financed 'COINTELPRO' plot against revolutionaries. The actions of conservatives in associating with this violent and bizarre radical group can only lend pseudo-credence to those allegations."


McDonald then takes up the alliance between the Labor Committee and his far right rivals at the Liberty Lobby and its newspaper Spotlight:

NCLC has operated for nearly four years on a monthly budget of from $30,000 to $40,000. This sum has been raised by loans to NCLC's Campaigner Publications; by heavy dues extracted from members; by wealthy NCLC members contributing their trust funds and savings; and from sales of NCLC/USLP publications" which include "the strange combination of fact and impure fantasy called 'Carter and the Party of International Terrorism' sold by the NCLC for $2 and by the Liberty Lobby for $5.50."

98 For the full Thompson EIR text, see 055-how klan Zionist terror operates.pdf.

99 See on this issue.

100 On LaRouche's "Marxist" views of Jews and its roots in the late 1950s, see,, and

101 Kautsky quoted in Enzo Traverse, The Marxists and the Jewish Question: The History of a Debate (1843-1943) (Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1994) Also see Robert S. Wistrich, "German Social Democracy and the Problem of Jewish Nationalism 1897-1917," in the Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook XXI (1976).

102 Traverse, 66.

103 Ibid, 213.

104 LaRouche's "explanation" of the Holocaust also reflected the crudest level of economic determinism which Tim Wohlforth pointed out in a polemic against LaRouche ("Lyn Marcus"). In a 16 December 1968 attack on LaRouche, Wohlforth pointed to LaRouche's complete dismissal of anti-Semitic ideology. From Smiling Man from a Dead Planet:

Wohlforth next turns to what he labels Marcus's "most preposterous theory to date." This was the notion that the Nazis killed six million Jews out of a "rational economic policy of primitive accumulation" and that Nazi race theory was merely an excuse for a logical capitalist policy. In contrast, Wohlforth pointed out that the Nazis used millions of non-Jewish foreign workers as forced labor while they sent the Jews to death camps. In reality, the persecution of the Jews actually wasted German resources that could have been rationally used for the war effort.

See LaRouche repeats his same "explanation" of the Holocaust. See Lyn Marcus, Dialectical Economics (Lexington, MA: D.C. Heath and Company, 1975), 408-11. Here LaRouche writes:

The Nazi military machine and its operations represented the armed force that sustained German capital as capital.
The Second World War was absolutely not an adventure undertaken by Hitler to appease the inclinations of the Wehrmacht High Command. Germany's military undertakings were launched over the strong objections of the High Command, which was systematically purged to "overcome" such objections. The Second World War was imposed on German "militarism" by hysterical demands for immediate loot of the "smoke-stack barons" and financiers. (410)

As for the concentration camps, they were merely the logical extension of the turn of German capitalists to an "auto-cannibalistic economy." According to LaRouche:

As a further measure of capitalist economy, the welfare rolls within the concentration camps were successfully reduced by the mass extermination practices applied to the weak, the aged, women, children, depleted slave labor, and other unemployables. (409)

LaRouche can not bring himself to admit the fundamental ideological role of Nazi anti-Semitism in the creation of the extermination camps. Instead he wants to pretend that all this is simply an example of capitalism at work. In his ostensible discussion of the causes of the Holocaust, he can't even bear to utter the word "Jew." By the late 1970s, LaRouche would declare that Hitler was more or less a pawn of the Rothschilds.

Possibly the closest parallel to LaRouche's view can be found in the ultra-leftist writings of Amadeo Bordiga, the Italian Marxist sectarian widely believed to be the author of the 1960 "Auschwitz, or the Great Alibi" first published in a French Bordigist journal called Programme Communiste. Some leading French Bordigists (most prominently Pierre Guillaume) later became active in the Holocaust Denial movement in France. For the article, see AS4MttVsJ:www.marxists. org/archive/bordiga/works/1960/auschwitz.htm+bordigist+holocaust&cd=8.

105 Using the same logic, LaRouche also tried to reduce Catholicism to the worse expression of the most backward elements of feudalism in his Campaigner essay on Ludwig Feuerbach which also included his notorious attack on Judaism as a pseudo-religion. A similar argument against Catholicism also came from Howard Scott's Technocracy, Inc. See

Because LaRouche has always rejected biological determinism, he is neither a Nazi nor a neo-Nazi. Nor was anti-Semitism invented by Adolf Hitler. (On this issue, see both the Introduction and Conclusion to Smiling Man from a Dead Planet.) Yet it is also clear that LaRouche's hateful views of Judaism paved the way for his alliance with some of the most extreme pro-Nazi elements of the extreme right.

It is also important to understand for an organizational history of the NCLC that LaRouche's peculiar views on Judaism only first appeared in his very long footnote on Judaism in the December 1973/January 1974 Campaigner article "The Case of Ludwig Feuerbach" (part one.) This article – actually a long diatribe against Roman Catholicism – appeared at a time when the NCLC was in chaos in the wake of the failure of "Operation Mop-Up" and when the organization was in the middle of the "Chris White Affair." This was the same time the NCLC was being transformed into a cult. LaRouche used a blend of Marxism and beliefs from his Quaker fundamentalist background to denounce both Judaism and Catholicism as quasi-Satanic belief systems in his "Feuerbach" essay.

106 LaRouche cited from ki/pmwiki.php?n=Librarv.MvstervBabylon.

107 The report can also be found at the website "History Matters" at

Edit - History - Print - Recent Changes - Search
Page last modified on July 01, 2016, at 08:22 AM