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The Our Town Series (1979-80)

The Our Town exposes of LaRouche:

This web site is republishing Dennis King's original 12-part 1979-1980 LaRouche series on the 35th anniversary of the first edition (May 26, 1970) of Our Town, the East Side Manhattan weekly in which the series first appeared. The republication is dedicated to the people at Our Town who worked with King, including the paper's founding publisher Ed Kayatt, its daredevil editors Kalev Pehme and Katy Morgan, its art director Arnold Sperber (deceased), and its political columnist--the late great Stanley Pinsley ("Catullus").

Under Kayatt's direction, Our Town had a strong record of standing up to bigots even before the emergence of LaRouche as a force on the ultra-right. For instance, the paper worked during its early years to expose the National Renaissance Party, a uniformed neo-Nazi group operating in Yorkville, formerly a German-American neighborhood. During and after the battle with LaRouche, Our Town also published articles and editorials warning the public about the anti-Semitic New Alliance Party and about Ku Klux Klan activity in New York.

The first article in the LaRouche series was published on August 26, 1979 and was entitled...


First of a series


In the years following World War II, public revulsion over the crimes of Adolf Hitler and his "Third Reich" prevented Nazi-oriented anti-Semitic groups from emerging as a significant force in American politics. Such groups, with their bizarre swastikas and uniforms, remained tiny and isolated within the prison walls of their own sick fantasies.

This postwar period of relative freedom from anti-Semitic demagoguery may be reaching its end. The National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC), a nationwide neo-Nazi organization, has emerged over the past two years to provide homegrown Nazism with resources and political skills unseen since the heyday of the German American Bund in the late 1930’s.

The cadre of this group carefully avoid swastikas and armbands, and they sometimes disguise their anti-Semitism in code words. Yet, on behalf of their 56-year-old fuehrer, Lyndon Hermyle LaRouche--a ruthless hate-monger who advocates the "Final Solution" against American Jews--they have built up cells in 33 cities, an election machine in more than a dozen states, a budget estimated at well over $2 million per year, and a vigorous party press including the biweekly New Solidarity, magazines and business publications, and paperback books.

NCLC and its electoral front, the U.S. Labor Party, have their national headquarters at 304 W. 58 St. in Manhattan. The entire apparatus is estimated by close observers to have a membership of 2,500 which would make it larger than all of the uniformed stormtrooper sects combined. In addition it possesses a tightly unified command and members who are far better educated and more highly motivated than those of the smaller Nazi sects.

The effectiveness of LaRouche's apparatus is seen most clearly in USLP electoral activity and in the group's success in building single-issue coalitions with forces as diverse as the Liberty Lobby, the Black Muslims, and conservative-oriented Teamster officials.

- In the 1978 elections, the USLP fielded 72 candidates in 17 states, more than any other minority political party.

- In at least a dozen election races since 1974, ranging from the Congressional level to the municipal school board level and from Oregon to Virginia, the USLP has polled between 8 and 30 percent of the vote.

- LaRouche is off and running as a "Republican/Labor" candidate for the 1980 Presidency. With heavy financing he has already reached an audience in the millions through carefully placed television and newspaper ads and a nationwide campaign tour which so far has included a helicopter arrival in Atlanta (which netted him a TV news spot, "The Year of the Third Party"), a meeting with the Government Relations Roundtable of the Detroit Chamber of Commerce, and articles in both the St. Louis Globe Democrat and Post Dispatch. In addition, LaRouche has announced he will participate in the New Hampshire and Iowa primaries.

- In the wake of a July 1978 meeting between LaRouche and Black Muslim leader Wallace Muhammed, the two cults joined in launching an "Anti-Drug Coalition," which has spread to at least eight cities and is based on LaRouche's theory that Jews are responsible for the drug traffic. The coalition's activities include mass rallies in ghetto churches, intensive and effective lobbying for stronger narcotics laws, and seminars in inner-city high schools. Wallace Muhammed has consistently refused to break off this alliance, in spite of appeals from Jewish organizations and from responsible Black leaders. The coalition partners have attracted an amazing range of clergy, businessmen, mayors, law enforcement officers, state legislators, Masonic leaders, and trade union officials to endorse their efforts. They are currently preparing for the founding convention of a National Anti-Drug Coalition.

- NCLC has earned the gratitude of powerful gangster-connected Teamster officials, thanks to the cult's effective attacks on the TDU and PROD (two reform movements in the Teamsters union) in several election battles for control of key locals. Some of the most corrupt locals have purchased giant quantities of NCLC pamphlets (such as "The Plot to Destroy the Teamsters") and several union leaders have endorsed the anti-drug coalition. These officials are placing no obstacles in the path of a recently formed "Teamster Committee to Elect LaRouche."

Given LaRouche’s total domination of his followers, the history of the group has largely been an extension of LaRouche’s personal evolution: a saga as tortuous as that of Benito Mussolini who (like LaRouche) was a revolutionary socialist before founding the Fascist party in Italy.

Born into a New Hampshire Quaker family in 1922, LaRouche is a college dropout and a veteran of World War II. He joined the Trotskyite Socialist Workers Party in 1947 and remained a member through the mid-1960s while working as a management consultant and systems designer. In 1967, with a handful of radical students, he formed the SDS Labor Committee which changed its name to NCLC in 1971. They regarded themselves as the only "true" communists and quickly came into conflict with rival sects. Frustrated by their inability to seize "hegemony" over the American Left, they developed cultist trappings and in 1973 launched "Operation Mop Up" a series of more than 60 violent attacks on members of rival groups. This was followed by a period of "psychological terror" inside NCLC, with LaRouche charging that members of the group had been brainwashed by the CIA to assassinate him. The cadre were forced to undergo security checks and hypnotic "deprogramming."

This year-long reign of lunacy (which close observers believe was connected to a period of emotional crisis for LaRouche) gave NCLC an odious name with the media and resulted in its total isolation from the Left. LaRouche soon cleaned up his act to the extent of halting the violence and deprogramming, but he was only able to recoup his political losses by moving to the opposite end of the political spectrum (where his Operation Mop Up had, of course, been observed with glee). In 1976, LaRouche’s group announced that it was abandoning Marxism and henceforth would be a patriotic organization in the tradition of Alexander Hamilton and Benjamin Franklin. This shift to the Right was consolidated by an alliance with the Liberty Lobby, an ultra rightist group which shared LaRouche's hatred for "Fang" (Nelson Rockefeller). But the Liberty Lobby was also a rabidly anti-Semitic outfit, and LaRouche was soon being chided for his failure to recognize the real enemy. In late 1977, he took the final plunge, declaring war on the Jewish lobby, the international Jewish bankers, Jews in the U.S. government, and (most especially) the Anti-Defamation League.

Over the course of 1978, the virulence of LaRouche's anti-Semitism was proven beyond any shadow of a doubt. For example:

- In the Dec. 8, 1978 New Solidarity, LaRouche dismissed Hitler's murder of 6 million Jews as merely a "commonplace delusion of the American Zionist or Zionist fellow traveler."

He continued: "The contemptible but impassioned sophistry which the Zionist demagogue offers to all foolish enough to be impressed with such hoaxes is the 'holocaust' thesis. It is argued...that any sort of criminal action is excusable against anti-Zionists in memory of the mythical 'six million Jewish victims' of the Nazi 'holocaust.' This is worse than sophistry. It is a lie."

LaRouche's followers were quick to see parallels, however, between these "mythical" deaths under Nazism and the mass suicide last year of the People's Temple cult. For New Solidarity, this was a pretext for anti-Semitic jokes: "Question: What do you call kosher Kool-Aid laced with cyanide? Answer: B'nai Broth."

Predictably, NCLC also launched an attack on the recent law mandating a Holocaust curriculum in the New York City public schools. Carol White, LaRouche's former common-law wife, wrote in New Solidarity: "These courses not only have the immediate effect of programming especially Jewish youth to paranoia, but are, of course, viciously anti- German...These courses...represent the introduction into our schools of subversive propaganda with the purpose of undermining the U.S. as a constitutional republic." And a USLP policy statement accompanying White's article urged that an "investigation, leading to immediate disciplinary action, should be instituted for the introduction of such filth."

NCLC also resurrected the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, the famous forgery published by the Czarist Russian secret police in 1903 to "prove" a Jewish plot to control the world (and thus to justify pogroms against the Jews). In Oct. 1978 New Solidarity announced, "the kernel of the Protocols of Zion is factual." And in the USLP's 406-page book Dope, Inc. (Nov. 1978) the Protocols are presented as evidence that the dope traffic in the U.S. is controlled by Jews (the "Fifth Column USA"). The book quotes a secret oath alleged to be similar to that of the Elders of Zion: "I will cut open the stomachs and wombs of their women and smash the heads of their babies against the rocks...."

Thus NCLC has revived the medieval belief that Jews secretly kidnap and murder Christian infants and rape Christian women. But NCLC has given this superstition a contemporary twist: ritual sacrifice of Gentile infants has become ritual dope pushing to Gentile adolescents.

The Liberty Lobby newspaper, Spotlight, is selling Dope, Inc. on consignment. But the bulk of the 20 to 50 thousand sales so far have resulted from the activities of the ULSP/Black Muslim anti-drug coalition. From the coalition's inception, Dope, Inc. has been pushed to audiences in Black communities and inner-city high schools. In addition, the book has been translated for German readers by the European Caucus of Labor Committees, NCLC's co-thinker organization based in West Germany and led by LaRouche's current wife, Helga Zepp-LaRouche.

NCLC versus the New York Times

A New York Times investigating team preparing an expose of NCLC was apparently outfoxed last month by a cloak and dagger maneuver of LaRouche's Security Division.

According to the NCLC version of this incident, its leaders heard rumors in mid-July that the Times was working on article in cooperation with several recent NCLC defectors. The security squad thus arranged for two "simulated dissidents” to meet with Times reporters Howard Blum and Paul Montgomery on July 23 (with a planted cameraman nearby).

Blum and Montgomery allegedly told the pretenders that the Times was planning a major front-page article linking NCLC with the CIA. According to New Solidarity, Blum also offered to help the two NCLC members get immunity with the U.S. Justice Department.

The NCLC leadership gleefully followed up their entrapment of Blum and Montgomery by holding press conferences on July 27 in Washington and New York, where they announced that the Times's efforts were part of a giant conspiracy involving the Anti-Defamation League, the liberal press, Israeli intelligence, Rep. Elizabeth Holtzman (D.-N.Y.), and the Justice Department's newly created Nazi war crimes investigation unit. The purpose, NCLC charged, was to harass and destroy LaRouche's 1980 Presidential campaign. NCLC termed the conspiracy "Supergate" and likened LaRouche's plight to that of the late Jimmy Hoffa when attacked by the Kennedy administration.

Once again LaRouche was showing his tactical skill. If he could not stop the Times, he could nevertheless turn the attack around and use it to his own advantage with the Liberty Lobby, the Black Muslims and other allies (who have no great love for the Times). In effect, LaRouche served notice that he would use the anticipated harassment of his Presidential campaign as a pretext for launching a drive on the Right to disband the Justice Department's investigation of Nazi war criminals. On July 31, New Solidarity charged that the budget and staff of the new Justice Department unit is far larger than necessary for dealing with the war criminal problem, and therefore that the unit's real purpose must be to launch an unconstitutional witchhunt against NCLC!

As to the Times version of the incident, Paul Montgomery told Our Town that "it is not our policy to comment on articles in progress."

LaRouche linked to CIA?

To date, no newspaper has presented solid evidence to back up the longstanding rumor on the American Left that the CIA funded the NCLC during the Nixon and Ford administrations. Yet the fact of NCLC's own self-defined attitude of solidarity with the CIA is already a matter of public record:

- Our Town has obtained under the Freedom of Information Act a file of CIA internal memoranda which show that NCLC leaders made several attempts in 1976 to meet with ClA officials to pass on information about alleged terrorist activity on the American Left.

- According to Business Week (Oct. 2, 1978), LaRouche met with CIA director Richard Helms shortly after Helm’s retirement.

- In 1978, LaRouche published in New Solidarity his "In Defense of the Central Intelligence Agency," a protest against the Carter administration's wholesale firing of Nixon era dirty tricks operatives.

- On Feb. 27, 1979, LaRouche issued in New Solidarity a public appeal for "an outpouring of financial and political support to establish a private intelligence agency designed to fulfill those intelligence-gathering functions that ought to be the proper domain of the CIA."

"What we propose," LaRouche wrote, "is a de facto augmentation of the resources of the U.S. Labor Party, thereby combining the core contribution to be made by the USLP with the resources otherwise befitting a U.S. government intelligence service into one independent agency. Such an agency, endowed by corporate...and other private sources, would immediately rehire those patriotic, trained former operatives of the CIA and related official agencies purged through British influence."

One veteran NCLC watcher familiar with the above facts commented to Our Town, "If Blum and Montgomery can present a halfway credible case that LaRouche worked for the CIA, LaRouche will publicly express outrage but privately he'll be tickled pink. Why, he's been trying to imply such a link all along, because he thinks it will give him increased prestige on the ultra-right and help him overcome the embarrassing fact of his Marxist past."

Why LaRouche is a threat to American Jews

1. Like Adolf Hitler, LaRouche is an authentic if warped genius. He has developed an all-embracing anti-Semitic worldview with ramifications in a dozen fields of scholarship from history and philosophy through physics. He has lifted American anti-Semitism out of its traditional know-nothing illiteracy and rendered it theoretical. He has attracted brilliant young intellectuals as the core of his organization, in sharp contrast to the beer-bellied cadre of the uniformed neo-Nazis. And these young intellectuals are busy amplifying LaRouche's theories in a plausible form in many fields of scholarship: a barrage of pseudoscientific articles and books the likes of which have not been seen since Nazi Germany.

2. LaRouche has freed neo-Nazism from the discredited genetic (racialist) theories of Hitler, and has developed the alternative theory of a culturally based "criminal mind" (the Jewish mind). The NCLC leader has thus laid the basis for white neo-Nazis to ally with anti-Semitic blacks and to whip up the latent anti-Semitism in black communities as a powerful adjunct to white anti-Semitism.

3. LaRouche has solved the problem of how to advance neo-Nazi politics in American elections without stirring up a storm of opposition before one is strong enough to withstand that storm. He has developed a series of code words ("British" for Jew, "British utopian doctrine" for Zionism, "Republicanism" for Fascism) which lull to sleep liberal observers while being perfectly understandable to his target audience on the Right. He has banned the use of swastikas and stormtrooper uniforms--childish symbols foreign to American culture. He does not attempt to openly defend the memory of Hitler, but alludes to "British" (Jewish) manipulation of Hitler as being the source of the German fuehrer's "errors." In addition, LaRouche is extremely skillfull at enclosing his real political ideas within a protective covering of conspiracy theories, Lost Continent of Atlantis visions, and other eccentric claptrap: This protects him from potential opponents, who at present tend to discount him as a mere kook. Meanwhile, he is able to recruit the people he needs to recruit, preparing for the day when he will be strong enough to throw off the cover of eccentricity. (Already, in seeking conservative business support for his 1980 presidential campaign he is speaking with a new soberness.)

4. LaRouche has pioneered in the use of Moonie style brainwashing techniques for overtly political purposes. He has thus been able to win over hundreds of young Jewish intellectuals and use them as a Judenrat shock brigade. It is these Jewish followers that LaRouche pushes forward as his candidates for political office (although they do not make policy in the organization). When they campaign for his anti-Semitic program, he is able to point to their Jewish names as "proof" that his organization is not really anti-Semitic but only "anti-Zionist." (His repudiation of racialism is helpful in controlling these Jewish followers: LaRouche promises them immunity from the coming NCLC-directed Holocaust if they thoroughly and completely repudiate their Jewishness.)

5. LaRouche's economic plans for a "high technology" economy are brilliantly conceived and carefully researched. They have genuine merit. But there's one little hitch: To carry them out would require an authoritarian transformation of the U.S. government and the development of a Fascist type corporative state (which the West German branch of LaRouche's organization has already advocated in its program, "Der Rechsstaat"). If U.S. economic clout continues to weaken at home and abroad, it is quite possible that significant forces in U.S. industry will become attracted to LaRouche's economic thinking. Certainly he is the only American economist today who is seriously exploring the Fascist alternative for American business. As such, he will inevitably receive a respectful hearing (even if he fails to make any converts) from some conservative business circles, in spite of his kooky "cover."

6. LaRouche has taken American neo-Nazism beyond the simple agitational level. He has merged the traditional demagoguery of the ultra-right with the highly sophisticated "united front" tactics used by American communists in the 1930s. By proposing joint action around specific issues with groups which are not yet pro-Nazi, he has gained access to their constituencies and has been able (most notably with the Black Muslims) to gradually shift the focus of the joint activity (opposition to drug abuse, for instance) in the direction of confrontation with Jewish groups.

7. LaRouche has spurned the traditional neo-Nazi practice of mindless, undifferentiated anti-Semitic propaganda. Instead, he carefully tailors his anti-Semitism to fit each of his target audiences: Blacks are told to hate the Jews because the Jews control the drug traffic. Law enforcement officials are told to hate the Jews because the Jews are radicals and "terrorists." Industrialists are told to hate the Jews because the Jewish bankers are "looting" the economy and undermining American power and productivity, Military officers are told to hate the Jews because the Jews spawn "traitors" such as Daniel Ellsberg. Teamsters are told to hate the Jews because the Jews assassinated Jimmy Hoffa.

8. LaRouche has developed a brilliant long-range strategy that, given a major economic crisis and a polarization of American society, could actually bring the NCLC to power. His analysis divides American society into a silent majority and a "liberal third." The latter is hopelessly tarnished by Jewish modes of thinking and thus is written off by LaRouche. He aims at bringing the silent majority together in a "grand coalition" of Midwest industrialists, managerial technocrats, "traditionalist" labor leaders, blacks disillusioned with liberalism, law enforcement officials, military officers, and southern segregationist/Liberty Lobby types. He believes that these disparate elements, in spite of mutual suspicions, can be united by mutual hatred of a scapegoat: international Jewry and its local representative (the "Jewish lobby"). NCLC cadre and ideas, of course, would be the glue that holds the coalition together. LaRouche has cautioned his cadre not to expect to "dominate" such a coalition, but to learn to cooperate with other forces and to allow others when necessary to take the lead. This latter insight places NCLC on a higher level of sophistication than virtually every other extremist sect in the U.S. today.


Second of a series


Lyndon LaRouche, chairman of the U.S. Labor Party and its 1980 "Republican/Labor" presidential candidate, is attempting to present himself in national campaign tours as a respectable candidate concerned with nuclear power, more jobs for construction workers, and other down-to-earth issues.

Yet this same LaRouche and his disciples, in several little known theoretical articles, have also proposed various repressive measures against the world's Jews, including a governmental purge in the U.S. and denial of civil rights in West Germany. In at least one article, LaRouche has even argued for the Final Solution as the only way to prevent the destruction of Western civilization by the Jews.

The fact that these articles are usually only read and studied by a small circle of LaRouche followers in the National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC), the cadre organization which controls the USLP, is probably the main reason that LaRouche has so far avoided any public outcry as he tours the U.S. pledging to base his presidency on sound Republican principles. But another reason he's escaped opposition is his clever use of code words, whereby "British" and "Zionist" stand for Jew, and "Humanist republic" stands for Nazi- totalitarian state.

The code language is not merely designed to avoid clashes with the Jewish Defense League. More important, it is intended to keep LaRouche out of hot water with the authorities in West Germany, where he lives for much of the year with his wife Helga, chairwoman of the European Caucus of Labor Committees (ECLC). West German law prohibits neo-Nazi propaganda, and LaRouche's articles are translated and disseminated in West Germany by the ECLC. If he advocated Nazi repression against Jews openly, he and the ECLC would become subject to criminal prosecution and a ban on their political activities. In using a code, LaRouche is merely following the standard policy of all neo-Nazi groups in West Germany (which are flourishing despite the restrictive laws).

In the United States, the code words are not consistently adhered to by LaRouche's followers. Indeed, attacks on the "British" seem to be only one part of a complicated strategy for conducting anti-Semitic agitation on several levels at once: the open flagrant anti-Semitism (as quoted in the Aug. 26 Our Town), the "anti-Zionist" attacks, the attacks on Zionists as "agents of the British," and finally the attacks on the "British" themselves. The LaRouchians shift from one tactic to the next with dizzying rapidity, depending upon the audience to be reached and the level of outrage against Jews to be advocated.

A similar policy is seen in NCLC's attitude toward Adolf Hitler: in one article, he's the essence of evil; in another article, he's bad (but not as bad as the Israelis); in a third article he's a puppet of the Rothschild family; in a fourth article, he's the symbol of the bad Nazi (but there were also good Nazis, like the Wehrmacht); in a fifth article, under a code name, he's a great humanist whose mission was aborted by satanic forces.

The choice of "British" as the code word for Jew was due to the fact that several well-known Jewish banking families, including the Rothschilds, are British. In LaRouche's theory of history (as explained in such articles as "The Secrets Known Only to the Inner Elites"), these "British" families are the modern day representatives of an ancient conspiracy against human progress.

According to this theory, human history for the past 3,000 years has been a struggle of two opposing elites: the humanist city-builders, who believe in increased productivity and the power of reason; and the oligarchs, who stand for "zero growth" and fatten off society through the practice of usury. To LaRouche, the usurer faction is the faction of unremitting evil: "the Whore of Babylon," he terms it.

The struggle between the two elites is waged via conspiratorial manipulation of the general public, which LaRouche calls "the bestial mass of ignorant sheep which is 99 and 44/100th percent of the human race." In today's world, the usurer's conspiracy is led by the "British" bankers operating through an organization called the "Round Table." The humanist conspiracy--the good guys--is currently without real leadership except insofar as it accepts LaRouche as its theoretician. And LaRouche's party, the aspiring general staff of the humanists, is modestly depicted as the inheritor of a tradition dating back to Alexander the Great.

Thanks to this theory, LaRouche has been able to evoke a messianic fervor in his followers. They believe, quite literally, that the survival of the human race against the subhuman "British" depends upon their own personal sacrifices and discipline.

The anti-British campaign erupted in the pages of New Solidarity, the NCLC biweekly newspaper, in the early weeks of 1978--at the precise time that New Solidarity also launched its first direct attacks on Jewish politicians and bankers, Jewish organizations, and the "Jewish Lobby" (who soon were being branded as "agents" of the British). New Solidarity readers were now barraged with anti-British headlines in place of the customary anti- Rockefeller headlines: "British to Sell World Short," "Brits Run Spy Hoax to Push Cold War Clime," "British Launch Drive to Break Up the EEC, "Brit 'Full Employment' Plan Would Wreck Italy," "Expel Britain's Kissinger for Treason," and on and on.

As the propaganda campaign intensified, the editors scattered clues throughout New Solidarity to make sure that even the dullest reader would decipher the real message. When describing the machinations of the London bankers, New Solidarity referred to mostly Jewish names: Rothschild, Lazard, Meyer, Weill, Montefiore, Warburg, Oppenheimer. And if the name wasn't obvious they added a tag: "Lord Beaverbrook, otherwise known as Max Aitken," and "Lord Crewe, a Rothschild family cousin." Of course, Gentile names had to be added to keep up the pretense, but New Solidarity's writers were skillful at implying that these Gentiles were dancing to a Jewish tune. For instance the ancestors of Winston Churchill, as described in The Noble Family, NCLC's pamphlet on the British ruling class: "John Churchill [the first prominent Churchill, in the 17th century--ed.] was backed and supported by Solomon Mendoza, a Dutch-based financier in the Portuguese Jewish community, who used the Churchill family to batten off the English according to methods that have been maintained down to the present day...." And then the Churchills of the 20th century: "Winston Churchill's grandson Winston Spencer Churchill III maintains the family's reputation for sycophantic ... braggadocio in the service of the Rothschilds to this day." (The author was apparently attempting an oblique slur on Winston Churchill's leadership of Britain in the war against Hitler.)

NCLC's theory of Jewish control over British politics doesn't just extend to Tories such as the Churchills. The Noble Family labels Labourite Harold Wilson a "Rothschild agent," and New Solidarity describes the Fabian Socialists as an offshoot of an alleged Rothschild network of secret societies. As to the key institutions (in NCLC's view) of the "British System"--from the Round Table financial group through the British secret service--each of them is described explicitly, in one NCLC publication or another, as being under the direct control of the Rothschilds or of a string of mostly Jewish families including the Rothschilds.

To leave no doubt of the true meaning of "British," we quote the definitive statement in The Noble Family: "It is the Rothschild family that continues to preside over the inherited international operational capability that is the present British political system. It is, in consequence, the evolution of the Rothschild family and its outlook that in large measure accounts for the evolution and outlook of the British political system as a political instrument." This statement is expressed symbolically by an illustration in the Oct. 17, 1978 New Solidarity: the Star of David with Queen Elizabeth at its topmost point (and a caption underneath alluding to a "satanic" connection).

Armed by this code language, the NCLC has been able to say everything the uniformed neo-Nazi sects say. And they can appeal (without unnecessary "crudity") to the rightwing American industrialists whom LaRouche believes will one day wake up to the Jewish threat and unite with NCLC to save America.

We quote from a U.S. Labor Party policy statement, "Indict the Zionist Lobby!" (April 21, 1978): "The U.S. Zionist Lobby, since its creation by Theodore Herzl, Louis Brandeis, Eugene Meyer of Lazard Freres, and the British Foreign Office earlier in this century has served as a foot-in-the-door for British sabotage of U.S. industrial growth, and for the terrorizing of American industrialists and workers...."

And again, from New Solidarity, Feb. 14, 1978: "The services of Brandeis and Co. were indeed useful to the British Empire....Today...their services...have become a vital aspect of the British plot to deindustrialize the U.S. and undermine the legitimate interests of the nation."

The convenience of the British code, however, is most clearly revealed in LaRouche's open letter to U.S. Secretary of Defense Harold Brown ("The Fitness to Command," also in the Feb. 14 New Solidarity). LaRouche is not just letting off spleen this time--he is calling for a specific action: the purge of alleged traitors from the armed forces and from civilian government agencies. As befits such an explosive proposal he is careful to avoid any direct references to the "Jewish Lobby" or the "Zionist Lobby," even as puppets. Instead, he speaks of the demoralization and disorientation of the U.S. armed forces by "witting or unwitting British agents or agents-of-influence," by "friends of Britain," and by "British utopian doctrine" (code for Zionism). And he concludes the letter: "As perhaps General George Patton would say, 'It is time to kick every British-loving son-of-a-bitch out of every last nook and cranny of the American government.'"

Close observers of NCLC believe this open letter was aimed at retired military officers in the conservative movement rather than at Secretary Brown himself. And clues are provided, once again, as to the identity of the "British." The letter begins at the top of the page directly following a diatribe against the Jewish lobby, with the completion of the latter article directly underneath. And a photo of General George Brown (together with a photo of Secretary Brown) is positioned directly under the hypothetical quote from Patton. General Brown, although not referred to in LaRouche's letter, had generated national headlines several months previously by his remarks about the "Jewish Lobby" in Washington and the "undue influence" of Jews in American banking and journalism.

The call for a government purge was not enough for LaRouche, however. In the following issue of New Solidarity, Feb. 17, he took the big plunge and wrote of the necessity for a Final Solution against world Jewry. This proposal--the culmination of his evolution as a Nazi theoretician--was inserted in an article directed at West German readers: "How to Analyze and Uproot International Terrorism." LaRouche bases this article on a trick he apparently learned from Hitler: Blame Bolshevism on the Jews, then call for the extermination of the latter to stamp out the former. But anti-Bolshevism is out of fashion nowadays, so LaRouche simply replaces it with anti-Terrorism. (At the time he was writing, terrorism was an urgent political issue in Western Europe, thanks to the antics of the Baader-Meinhoff gang and the Italian Red Brigades.)

LaRouche charges that the terrorist wave in Germany and Italy (as well as most other political and social evils) is controlled by the London bankers, the most powerful of "those financier-oligarchies which practice usury rather than productive investments." And he specifically accuses the Rothschilds, together with Rothschild-affiliated banking houses and politicians or firms believed by NCLC to be Rothschild-controlled.

How to stop the terrorism? LaRouche approaches the question in a roundabout way. First, he praises the idea of "counterterror force" against the usurers; but then (to lull the reader) he appears to shrink from his own proposal and to cast around for a nonviolent solution: "Assassination of a key figure behind terrorism is not recommended," he writes, "except to stop an impending crime which can be stopped in no other way. Such desperate measures need not be required if other, political means are used in time."

But what "political means" (nonviolent means) does he contemplate? He clearly states that only one such method has a chance of succeeding: exposure of the terrorist controllers in the press. "Only if the public press creates such a clamor against British responsibility for international terrorism...can one create so large a penalty for Lazard Brothers, Barings, N.M. Rothschild, Winston Churchill III et. al. that they will abandon their terrorism...."

Here LaRouche is indulging in mere obfuscation, since he clearly believes that the public press--the only possible nonviolent avenue--is controlled by the very same people who control the terrorism (and hence is useless in stopping the terrorism). He writes: "The connection [of the press and the conspirators--ed.] exists, if one traces the training of journalists to such locations as the BBC..., if one traces the financial connections of certain newspapers and magazines, the pedigrees of certain publishers and editors, and if one also traces the connections leading back to Lazard Brothers in London for the terrorist networks."

But this latter qualifying statement is buried near the end of the article. And LaRouche can continue in the interim his discussion of counterterrorist measures without the reader yet being aware that it is counterterrorist force once again, that he is advocating. "The citizens must give their governments," he writes, "the courage to take the necessary measures, the courage to face the facts so abundantly available....Let me put it this way. Were I a head of state of any principle European nation I would clean up the terrorism problem in short order."

To LaRouche, counterterrorism means assassination, and the assassination efforts should be directed against the prominent Jews who allegedly control the terrorists. He expresses this idea through an oblique reference to the "Old Man of the Mountain," the leader of an Islamic cult of assassins in the Middle Ages. We quote in full:

Although it is unavoidable, indispensable, to attack the terrorist problem as such, no general success can be gained by limiting counter-measures to this level of approach. On that level one is fighting a hydra's many, proliferating tentacles. One might strike the hydra in the vital center, kill it, and then the arms are easily eliminated. The 'Old Man of the Mountain,' Hassan ibn Saba, were he alive, would have none of the conceptual difficulties which have weakened the effectiveness of most European security agencies to date in dealing with this problem. It is a slander that [his] 'Assassins' were indiscriminate killers. On the contrary, [they] were a counterterror force....

If at this point the reader develops a nagging suspicion that the "Old Man of the Mountain" is really Adolf Hitler, and the "Assassins" really Hitler's Death's Head SS, Our Town assures you that your suspicion is not entirely without foundation. For LaRouche proceeds to indicate that the mission of the counterterrorists should not just involve the assassination of a few Rothschild Hofjuden but also a massive attack on the Jewish people as a whole.

LaRouche justifies such a policy via his criteria for determining the guilt for international terrorism:

There are two kinds of facts which are crucial to determining British responsibility for international terrorism....The first, not conclusive in itself, is "Who benefits?" The second, which is decisive, is "What is the national origin of the state of mind of the terrorist? To what national interest and national philosophical outlook does that state of mind belong?"

Here, slyly presented, is LaRouche's justification for the Final Solution. Terrorism has its origins not just in the class interests of the Rothschilds but also and most importantly in the national interest and national state of mind of the Jewish ("British") people. Hence, to strike at the "vital center" of the hydra--to "kill" the hydra, as LaRouche says--one must destroy the Jews en masse, since as long as they remain in existence as a national or ethnic entity their "national interest" and "national state of mind" will give rise to more Rothschilds (and hence to more terrorism).

Of course, LaRouche has already stated that he would only use assassination against those who are directly involved in controlling terrorism. But as he describes the alleged terrorist conspiracy, it becomes increasingly clear that he regards vast masses of Jews from every social class as being directly involved. First, there are the leading families "embedded in various institutions of each nation." And when LaRouche speaks of these families, he doesn't just mean a few isolated villains: "Despite individual and other defections from the oligarchical traditions among these families, the core which continues to adhere to that oligarchical tradition represents aggregately a large force for...corruption in the governments and major private institutions of power in various nations."

Second, LaRouche describes the alleged collaboration of the Jewish middle and working classes (the very strata that were shoved into the ovens during World War II by the Old Man of the Mountain's Assassins):

Around [the Rothschilds and other leading families] are gathered a secondary layer of plebians. These...include leading intelligence and political families going back a generation or two, certain families with a legal professional tradition, and so forth....Around these there is an outer layer of agents, trusted, deemed useful, but not really on the 'inside'....Around these strata, another layer of agents, and so down to the pathetically demented individual environmentalist and terrorist.

If by now, any readers of Our Town are still not convinced that "British" stands for "Jewish" in LaRouche's lexicon, they should reread the last two paragraphs. They should carefully note LaRouche's reference to leading families and satellite strata "embedded in various institutions of each nation." They should then recall LaRouche's previous references to a particular "national interest" and "national state of mind" said to characterize these strata. LaRouche cannot possibly mean the British, because the British as a people exist in only one nation. Only the Jewish people exist and retain a separate consciousness within each nation. And in fact, LaRouche has fingered the Jews openly in dozens of New Solidarity articles as being the "agents" and "agents-in-place" within the United States.

The article on international terrorism from which we have quoted above is by far the most revealing piece in the entire immense corpus of LaRouche's writings. In it, the NCLC fuehrer’s rhetoric rises to a crescendo of ethnic hatred, including an appeal to the industrialists of the world to give him power so he can use his vaunted Erkentnistheorie to destroy the usurers and the national state of mind behind the usurers.

To give the full flavor of LaRouche's appeal, we have placed the words "Jew" and "Jewish" in parentheses wherever he actually used the code words "Britain" or "British":

The essential motive behind (Jewish) terrorism and environmentalism is identical with (Jewish) opposition to the Luxembourg market, (Jewish) slanders against the Dresdner bank, and then the (Jewish) terrorists' murder of Dresdner's head Jurgen Ponto, (Jewish) efforts to wreck the U.S. dollar and loot the U.S. economy, (Jewish) efforts to sabotage Middle East peace, (Jewish) efforts to ignite a global confrontation around a (Jewish)-created war in the Horn of Africa, and (Jewish) efforts aided by (Jewish) agents in high positions within the United States, to crush the economies of West Germany and Japan with a hyperinflationary depression.

The (Jews) loudly, shamelessly advertise such objectives in the press controlled by the same Barings, Lazards, and Rothschilds who control the Round Table, the Royal Institute for International Affairs, and the London International Institute for Strategic Studies. These ruling (Jewish) forces, the avowed enemies of the entire human species, shamelessly declare war on the human species, and yet the governments of the nations targeted for victimization profess to be incredulous when we insist that the Royal Institute for International behind international terrorism and environmentalism.

LaRouche then makes his plea for the mantle of leadership:

I have had personally approximately 10 years of continuously fighting (Jewish) international terrorism.... Over the intervening years, through my collaboration with my immediate associates, and later with other forces combatting the same evil. I have a better scientific knowledge of the (Jewish) mentality than perhaps any other living person, and therefore a better analytical understanding of (Jewish) international terrorism than anyone outside the inner ranks of (Jewish) intelligence itself. I know the enemy, how he operates, how he thinks, and how he can be decisively defeated.

In this and other articles, LaRouche avoids any reference to "tainted blood" and other traditional concepts of Nazi racial doctrine. To him, the Jews are cultural degenerates. And he therefore can hold out to the Jews in his entourage the promise of immunity from the Holocaust if they completely renounce their Jewishness. Indeed, LaRouche tells them in an article on the very subject of the Holocaust (in which he cleverly mixes a dash of "anti-Nazi" rhetoric):

Either you, as a Jew, join with the U.S. Labor Party....or you are implicitly just as guilty as...Adolf Hitler....If you say, "As a Jew, I must be concerned primarily with what is good for Jews," you are already on the pathway to becoming a Nazi. You were better advised to ask yourself, "What is a Jew good for? What can a Jew contribute to humanity generally which obliges humanity to value the Jew?"

And, in sterner tones, LaRouche warns his Jewish associates that only the most fervent devotion to NCLC doctrine will enable them to survive:

You have no right to hide behind the whimpering, morally degraded profession [of excuses]....Either you take responsibility (for the ultimate consequences of your conduct or you have no moral right to complain against whatever evil the world's developments bestow upon you.

But if LaRouche thus sidesteps traditional Nazi racialism, such concepts have nevertheless surfaced in at least one official NCLC publication, as a harbinger of the policy that may emerge once the usefulness of LaRouche's Judenrat brigade has been exhausted. We quote from The Noble Family:

"As one begins to examine [the differences between the British and the rest of the world], one faces up to the major question in world politics today: the British are different than us because they are not human." And again: "They are the end product of a specialized process of genetic engineering that had begun to produce congenital deficiencies and brain damage in the 17th and 18th centuries."

The author, one Christopher White, continues:

Let us speedily expedite the urgently necessary task of freeing humanity from the grasp of that specific form of lower life before we are destroyed by them or enslaved by them. Let us joyfully ensure that the representatives of the British system are destroyed so that humanity might live and prosper under the political conditions appropriate to the development of actual human beings.

And the pamphlet ends with a blatant reference to the unfinished work of Adolf Hitler: "Those of us who should know better have been tolerant of such creatures [the British] for far longer than has been good for the rest of us. Let us, with ruthlessness, ensure that the job is done correctly now."

LaRouche sues Our Town


The neo-Nazi U.S. Labor Party responded in a most bizarre way to the expose on their political activities which began in Our Town last week. First, they confirmed everything we've said by passing out a scurrilous anti-Semitic leaflet at East Side subway stops, charging that a Jewish conspiracy is behind the Our Town series. Second, they announced a $20 million lawsuit against Our Town, on grounds that we "libeled" their leader, Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., by reporting on his anti-Semitic remarks (which are all a matter of public record, by the way, available for anyone to see in the U.S. Labor Party's own publications).

The USLP leaflet was headlined, "Our Town Slander Signals Zionist Hit on LaRouche." It charged that an assassination plot has been launched against LaRouche by "Israeli Intelligence and other Zionist-connected agencies" because of LaRouche's role in combating the alleged Zionist control of narcotics traffic in the United States.

In this leaflet, the USLP does not bother to use its customary code word of "British" for Jew, since we exposed that trick in last week's article. Instead, the leaflet directly and flagrantly goes after the Jews, spewing forth a long string of names of Jewish bankers, lawyers, politicians, and businessmen who are said to he involved in the conspiracy. In addition, the leaflet alleges that Zionism controls organized crime in America, and that Zionist agents assassinated John F. Kennedy in 1963.

The libel summons, drawn up by attorney David S. Heller (with law offices at the same address as USLP, 304 W. 58 St.), also harps on the assassination theme. The Our Town articles, the summons alleges, were published with the intent of "arousing and/or signalling persons who read the same to attack, kill or otherwise disable plaintiff in order to prevent the 'Holocaust' that defendants falsely accuse plaintiff of planning."

In fact, the suit against Our Town is just one more in a series of "nuisance suits" which the USLP has launched against the press and against Jewish organizations. "Welcome to the club," an official of the Anti-Defamation League told Our Town last week. "LaRouche is suing us for $26 million."

But Our Town readers should note one special aspect of the latest suit. Plaintiff LaRouche is an announced candidate for President of the United States in 1980. It is the accepted practice in American politics for the press to subject the published views of presidential candidates to the most searching possible criticism; after all, the president is the man who will have his finger on the nuclear button. By blaming a newspaper for performing this vital civic duty, LaRouche has served notice that he is not committed to the free flow of political ideas, but would prefer to repress unfavorable criticism and analysis of his own published work. The lawsuit against Our Town dovetails neatly with the call for suppression of civil liberties found in "Der Rechsstaat," the program of LaRouche's West German apparatus.


Third of a series


An Our Town investigation has uncovered one of the major sources of funds behind the neo-Nazi National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC).

Conspiracy enthusiasts will be disappointed to learn that the culprit is not the Central Intelligence Agency. NCLC fuehrer Lyndon Hermyle LaRouche, Jr., a former systems analyst, has moved in a basically unglamorous manner to develop a multi-multimillion-dollar computer software corporation utilizing the scientific and engineering talents of his whiz-kid cadre.

Well-known in the industry, his Computron Technologies Corporation is estimated by top software experts to take in revenues of three and a half to five million dollars per year. A 1979 Computron sales brochure gives a partial list of clients including corporations that are household names: AT&T, Mobil Oil, Colgate-Palmolive, Bristol-Meyers, Weight Watchers International.

Also listed among the 28 clients are names as diversified as Standard Research Corporation, Crane Construction Company, Melody Fashions, Studebaker Worthington Services, Tensor Corporation, Associated Merchandising, Panorama Radio and Electronics, Benton & Bowles Advertising, Lewis Business Machine Service Company, and the non-profit Institute of International Education.

Not surprisingly, Computron also has several clients in the generally under-computerized trucking industry (see Aug. 26 Our Town for links between NCLC and the Teamsters Union).

The uncovering of NCLC's business activities is of no small importance in understanding the cult's political evolution. Close observers of NCLC have long been puzzled as to how this small group could afford a paid staff of over 30 persons at a corporate style headquarters in New York City, intelligence and political operations in 26 foreign cities, newspapers in several languages, an international telex system with six circuits (including an audio voice data model between New York and LaRouche’s European headquarters in Wiesbaden, West Germany), and year-round consulting and training services from an industrial espionage firm based in Powder Springs, Georgia.

According to sources inside NCLC, most of Computron's clients are totally unaware of the company's political connections. The NCLC cadre assigned to leading positions at Computron are ordered to keep a low profile both on and off the job. One software consultant who worked with them recently said that he had noticed "nothing unusual" about the company except the multinational character of its management: "Greeks, Italians, Jews all together--we nicknamed them the United Nations."

The cover of respectability is maintained so carefully, our sources say, that most "outsiders" among the estimated 40 to 50 employees are as unaware of the political connection as Computron's clients are.

Computron was founded by NCLC in the mid 1970s under the name Computron Systems. From 1975 to 1977, it was listed in the Manhattan phone directory at 231 W. 29 St., the same address as NCLC, the U.S. Labor Party (NCLC's electoral arm) and Campaigner Publications, Inc. (the NCLC press). In 1975, according to Public Eye Magazine, Computron produced an income of $75,000 for NCLC.

During its sojourn at 231 W. 29 St., Computron was located on the 11th floor, in space also used by NCLC. According to the building super, Tony Giorgio, "the rent was paid all with one check" both for Computron and other NCLC operations which occupied floors 11 to 15. Giorgio's statement was confirmed by the landlord, who also said that Computron's space had been included in the NCLC lease.

Computron moved to 888 Seventh Avenue in 1977 and began to conceal its connection to NCLC. Growing rapidly, it was incorporated in Sept. 1978 as Computron Systems Company, Inc. The name was changed in Feb. 1979 to Computron Technologies Corporation. Shortly thereafter, the firm moved to larger quarters at 810 Seventh Avenue.

In its latest sales literature, the firm continues to use the name Computron Systems, identifying the latter as "a division of Computron Technologies Corporation."

An application for authority to conduct business in New York State, filed March 7, 1979, lists the registered agent for Computron as David S. Heller with law offices at 304 W. 58 St. (the current address of NCLC). On the cover of the application, Heller is also identified as "general counsel" for the computer firm.

Heller is a member of NCLC, according to sources inside the organization, and was identified as the "U.S. Labor Party attorney" in the Aug. 14, 1979 issue of New Solidarity (biweekly organ of NCLC). He is the very same David Heller who is handling the U.S. Labor Party suits against Our Town and the Anti-Defamation League.

A list of Computron's officers in a 1978 company brochure leaves no doubt that Computron is controlled by NCLC political cadre.

- The president of Computron, Andreas Typaldos, is active in NCLC under the name Andreas Reniotis. According to our inside sources, he is a member of the NCLC national committee, while his wife, Renee, is a member of LaRouche's security staff. In addition, Mr. Reniotis is described as the closest personal friend of LaRouche's second in command, Konstandinos Kalimtgis (a.k.a. "Gus Axios," a.k.a. "Costas Axios"). These two, together with NCLC intelligence chief Criton Zoakas (a.k.a. "Nikos Svyriotis"), are said to comprise the so-called Greek Mafia in NCLC. Along with the top West German cadre, they are LaRouche's most trusted aides.

Our Town checked this information with the help of a copy of NCLC's secret New York Regional and National Office Telephone Directory for 1978. The names "Andreas and Renee R." are listed under the phone number 796-0925. According to the New York Telephone Company's Bronx directory, this is the same number as Andreas Typaldos. And the address, 2600 Netherland Ave. in Riverdale, is the same luxury high-rise rumored to contain the "fortress apartment" in which LaRouche is guarded around the clock by security squads.

- The Computron brochure listed one Paul Teitelbaum as director of Major Accounts Marketing. A phone call to Computron on August 31 elicited that his title is now executive Vice-President. Former NCLC members say that a Paul Teitelbaum was active in the cadre organization as early as 1973. The NCLC private directory for 1978 listed a "Paul T." at 569-8995. The 1977-78 Manhattan phone directory listed a Paul Teitelbaum at the same number. Since then, the 569 number has been reassigned. A Paul Teitelbaum is now listed at 2600 Netherland Avenue, the same address as Typaldos-Reniotis.

- Computron's director of Research and Development was listed in the brochure as Mark Stahlman. The NCLC private directory listed a "Mark and Norma S." at 781-8677. The 1977-78 Manhattan directory listed a Mark Stahlman at the same number. In addition, an article in the Dec. 30, 1977 New Solidarity was co-authored by a Mark Stahiman. The article, "Rock Music and the Mass Marketing of Terrorism," is a typical NCLC diatribe against the "British" (the Jews) for allegedly foisting rock music on American youth to destroy their moral fiber. (Ironically, Computron lists the R. Stigwood Organization, well-known rock music promoters, as one of its major clients.)

- The director of Systems Programming at Computron, according to the brochure, is one Fletcher James. The NCLC private directory listed a "Fletcher and Marilyn J." at 942-0608. The 1977-78 Manhattan directory listed a Fletcher James at the same number. Former NCLC members have confirmed that a Fletcher James was active in NCLC as early as 1973.

- The brochure also lists one Eric Nelson as an officer of Computron. On Nov. 8 and Nov. 15, 1977, New Solidarity featured a two-part series by an Eric Nelson, "Why Garfield Was Murdered." The articles attempt to prove that the assassination of President James Garfield in 1881 was the result of a Jewish conspiracy. Our sources inside NCLC say that the Eric Nelson at Computron and the Eric Nelson who writes for New Solidarity are the same person.

- The staff of Computron is said to be liberally sprinkled with NCLC members and former NCLC members--especially those who have been "demoted" because of political incompetence or unreliability. (The job is a way of continuing to control them.) A phone call to Computron on Aug. 31 revealed that Tony Papert, a co-leader with Mark Rudd of the 1968 Columbia University student strike and a founding member of NCLC, works at the computer firm. According to our sources, Papert is one of the demoted cadre believed by top NCLC leader to be hopelessly contaminated by the group's original leftwing ideals.

According to Dun and Bradstreet, the NCLC computer outfit is in good financial shape, with a rating of 2 on the D&B scale of 1 to 4. Its balance sheets show assets of between $500,000 and $750,000.

But balance sheets are not the full picture. "Don't judge Computron's profits by their assets," said our source in the computer industry who has worked with Computron. "In the systems business, assets tend to be low but the revenues, or sales, can be extremely high. After all, our industry doesn't deal in fixed assets like machinery or warehouses. Essentially, our assets are the knowledge and skills in the brains of our employees."

"My partners and I," he continued, "estimated Computron's revenues last year at between three and a half and five million dollars. But don't let that amaze you--I know companies where the assets are even less and the revenues even greater."

Our source noted that Computron is "only one of an estimated seven thousand systems houses in the U.S. today. The little ones tend to hook up with mini-computer manufacturers and submit joint bids."

Computron's main partner in joint bidding, he alleged, is Wang Laboratories in Lowell, Mass., one of the nation's pioneer computer companies. "Wang provides the hardware, Computron provides the software," he said. "I understand it's a very successful relationship."

Could Computron disguise its profits and transfer the money into USLP electoral efforts? "Such a maneuver would be very easy for a systems house," our source speculated. "Given the fluid nature of the business, it's almost impossible to estimate the profits from assets or revenues. I would say the profits of such a company could very easily be concealed from the IRS."

The possibility of illegal transfers of funds is indicated by a bizarre civil proceeding filed with the State Supreme Court on June 7, 1979. Three NCLC cadre--Jon Gilbertson, Calvin G. Larson, and Steven Bardwell--are suing two defectors from the organization, Eric and Carol Lerner, to regain control of Advanced Technologies Enterprises, Inc., an NCLC firm set up to promote a desalination process invented by Mr. Larson. The NCLC plaintiffs claim that the Lerners manipulated a shareholders meeting to seize control of the corporation.

In their answer to the suit, filed June 12, the Lerners charge that a member of the NCLC national executive committee, one Uwe Henke von Parpart, had instructed the three plaintiffs "to make future political contributions and political campaign contributions from future ATE funds to the U.S. Labor Party in violation of the...New York Election Law...and the Federal Election Campaign Act...." The Lerners also allege that the plaintiffs had agreed to make such contributions, and the Lerners explain their own move to gain control of the majority of issued shares of common stock as an attempt to prevent the illegal contributions.

Whatever mysteries surround the financial relationship between NCLC and Computron, there can be no doubt whatsoever that the NCLC software systems capability has been used for ideological as well as commercial purposes.

A former member of NCLC described Computron in the days when it was still located on W. 29 St. "They had a room on the 11th floor, and people from the intelligence division were always coming downstairs to use the computer." This free traffic between Computron and other NCLC units was also confirmed by the building's super, Mr. Giorgio.

And how was the Computron facility used by the NCLC intelligence staff? One example is found in a pamphlet, "Carter Party of International Terrorism," which NCLC published in August 1976 in an effort to link Democratic Presidential nominee Jimmy Carter with violence-prone leftists and with ultraliberal Jewish foundations--and thus to persuade the public to vote for Ford.

According to an appendix to the pamphlet, NCLC used the systems design capability or its computer unit to analyze the alleged terrorist conspiracy. This effort included the development of a Labor Party Connection Tracking System (LPCTS), described as a "computer-based Labor Party intelligence tool." We quote:

The system's CONNECTIONS module monitors the shaping of the Wall St. Cabal's political machine as a connected network of policy-makers and key operatives down to but not including the field operatives level. It can be used to trace out chains of command, funding or control connections, covers, deployments, internal instabilities or other developments, and the historical evolution or change of policies and operational capabilities. An HISTORICAL ABSTRACTS AND FILES module may be referenced during the process for further analytic support or documentation. WHO'S WHO listings of high-level operatives and policymakers, and of their histories, are also routine.
This overall capability is obtained by a design which permits the posing of interrogatory conditions upon both discreet entities within the system and command and control network paths. For example, after a DISCRETE SEARCH produces a listing of Carter advisors connected to terrorism, a PATH SEARCH with the same conditions will show the control paths over these people. Such computer interrogation and WHAT IF or IF THIS THEN WHAT type of questioning of vast intelligence data will yield particularly useful political results since this network orientation provides for a unique court-evidence oriented documentation capability.
Another system module, the WHO'S WHO, links the cabal machine with local pools of mobile and expendable field operatives and groups, while a POPULATION PREP module monitors funding and other programs intended for mass ideological fertilization (i.e. local control) in anticipation of later more focused operations. This can be used, for example, to examine the capability for pulling off a specific operation in a certain area (i.e. race riots), and to then determine what field operatives and command control connections might be used.
Finally, an OUTPUT section monitors significant network output and major political events, such as successful or foiled field operations and activities of key operatives intended as direct political interventions or for priming and redirecting cabal operations as a whole.

Our Town asked our computer industry expert about the above description. "The guy who wrote it certainly knows the right buzz words," he said. "I don't want to comment on his politics, but the technical aspect sounds plausible. That type of system is used with scientific and medical data bases all the time. It also sounds a lot like the tracking system used by the Senate Watergate committee during its 1973 investigation."

NCLC "Counterterror" Squads:


Fourth of a series


Security teams from the neo-Nazi National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC) have been quietly trickling down to rural Georgia during the past year to undergo paramilitary instruction at a privately owned school called "the Farm" (after the CIA training facility in Virginia with the same name).

"We train them in martial arts, pistol shooting, paramedical skills, the use of shotguns, rifle countersniper activity, countersurveillance, and the control of 3-car caravans," said former arms tycoon Mitchell WerBell III, owner of the school and a well-known supporter of the ultra rightist Liberty Lobby, in a telephone interview Sept. 14.

WerBell is celebrated in counterinsurgency circles as the "Wizard of Whispering Death." In the 1960s, he developed the Ingram M-10 submachine pistol and invented the world's first submachine gun silencer. Both were used in the simulated mass assassination scene in the 1976 movie, "Three Days of the Condor." In real life, they are used by Latin American death squads.

The wizard's 60-acre training facility is located on Ga. 360 near Powder Springs. According to local newspapers it is guarded by the latest electronic gadgetry backed by a squad of attack dogs. WerBell's home is on the grounds and is a frequent center for social gatherings of the Right, featuring such diverse personalities as Watergate burglar Frank Sturgis, drug enforcement expert Lucien Conein, Liberty Lobby chief Willis Carto...and NCLC security director Jeff Steinberg.

According to WerBell, the school mostly trains policemen and private protection agents. He says that its 10-day COBRAY program, which costs $2,000 per trainee, has been given to "seven or eight" NCLC members so far. This figure is disputed, however, by defectors from the group, who say the number is "much higher" and that the training is required of NCLC's local and regional security persons in various cities, as well as the national office staff. NCLC is currently active in 42 cities.

One objective of the COBRAY training is to qualify students as National Rifle Association marksmen. "The U.S. Labor Party people did very well," said WerBell. "Most of them ended up with expert or sharpshooter certificates in the use of pistols."

Sources close to NCLC say trainees are selected by the Security Division in New York City--the elite unit charged with guarding NCLC fuehrer Lyndon LaRouche against alleged "British" (Jewish) assassination plots. Its history of violence dates back to 1973 when it organized NCLC members for over 60 street assaults on members of leftist groups in Philadelphia, New York and other cities.

In 1974, according to FBI documents, the NCLC operated its own training camp on a farm owned by a cult member near Argyle, New York. At this camp, NCLC cadre and their West German comrades were reportedly trained in explosives and demolitions, small arms, and small unit tactics.

WerBell says that his school carefully instructs the NCLC trainees in the laws of their home states and cautions them to remain within the law. But such niceties have not always been observed at the Farm. In 1974, for instance, the facility was used by WerBell to train mercenaries for an invasion (later called off) of the island of Abaco in the Bahamas.

An article in Esquire magazine at that time described the use of standard NATO rifles converted for .22 caliber cartridges in the Farm training. "It's a low-cost, low-noise, practically recoil-free way to teach a man how to hit a Dr. Pepper can at seventy-five yards with a military firearm, and it works," wrote the Esquire reporter. "The men who make it through this drill are thereafter known, in the special WerBellian nomenclature compounded from the lingo of World War II, Korea, Vietnam, and the intelligence establishment's invisible war, as 'sniper qualified.' They are, too."

WerBell's COBRAY, Inc. provides not only training for NCLC but also year-round security consulting services. WerBell confirmed to Our Town the claim by NCLC defectors that he personally consults on the phone with Jeff Steinberg several times a week. He denied, however, that COBRAY has ever provided Lyndon LaRouche with professional bodyguards. "We've only sent people on occasion to assist them (NCLC security) in obtaining assistance from local police forces," he said, referring to LaRouche's incessant requests for police protection during his presidential campaign appearances.

NCLC first hired WerBell as a security consultant in 1977, when the group was reportedly worried that LaRouche might become an assassination target for the West German Baader-Meinoff gang. According to WerBell, he was suspicious of the group at first because of their name. "Anything that says Labor is a communist plot," he said. But thorough checking, he added, convinced him that "they aren't communists."

WerBell aide Lou Millet, who was monitoring his boss's conversation with Our Town in the midst of electronic bleeps and echo effects, interrupted to say that all COBRAY trainees must have clearance from "police agencies."

But what policy agency would give the NCLC clearance? "It was FBI clearance, the FBI gave them clearance," said WerBell. "That's good enough for me, I don't know about you."

Our Town asked WerBell about the Jack Anderson column of Jan. 30, 1978 which reported deep FBI concern regarding NCLC. Anderson had quoted former FBI director Clarence Kelley on "beatings" and "brainwashing" in NCLC, and also a Bureau report which predicted "catastrophic" consequences if the cult ever turned to terrorism.

"Jack Anderson is a horse's ass and one of the biggest lying bastards around," snapped WerBell.

The 61-year-old COBRAY chief, son of a Czarist cavalry officer and veteran of the OSS in World War II, has not shown much concern in past years over the social destructiveness of the various individuals, groups and governments he has armed, trained, or advised in his long career as government intelligence operative, soldier of fortune, arms merchant, inventor of assassination devices, industrial espionage consultant and coup d'etat organizer.

In the 1950s, he served as a security advisor to Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo and to the Batista regime in Cuba, In the 1960s, after a murky involvement in the Bay of Pigs and in U.S. spook operations in Southeast Asia, he entered the arms business, developing the Ingram M-10 and silencer. He arranged for the silencer's experimental use in Vietnam, where it reportedly produced higher V.C. kill ratios than competing models. But when his peddling of the Ingram to the Pentagon and to Third World regimes failed to produce satisfactory sales, he was removed as head of the Military Armaments Corp., manufacturer of the weapon. He was allowed to keep 2,000 Ingrams, however, and attempted in April 1974 to sellto sell them to fugitive financier Robert Vesco in Costa Rica.

WerBell was called before the Senate Subcommittee on Investigations in Sept. 1974 to testify about the abortive Vesco deal (which some observers believe was connected to the Abaco mercenary invasion plan). He pleaded the Fifth Amendment, in part because his son Mitch IV had just been arrested by Treasury Dept. agents on charges of illegally selling Ingrams to an ATF undercover agent. Another witness in the Vesco hearings, however, testified that seven semi-automatic rifles plus 18,000 rounds of ammunition had been smuggled to Costa Rica from Powder Springs, after purchase by an associate of Vesco.

In Dec. 1974, Treasury agents descended on the Farm to confiscate the Ingrams (described at the time as "the largest collection of private guns in the world") because of alleged failure by WerBell to keep proper sales records. In a court settlement the following year, WerBell was allowed to sell off the remaining Ingrams but had to promise to get out of the arms business. In 1976, two former Miami area policemen were arrested for illegally trafficking in automatic weapons--the 480 guns confiscated were Ingrams sold to them by WerBell. Also in 1976, WerBell was arrested in Miami on charges of plotting to smuggle marijuana (he was acquitted in Federal court).

Going back a few years: WerBell was arrested in Florida in 1967, with six associates, for attempting to stage an invasion of Haiti with the alleged purpose of setting up a regime that could provide a staging base for Cuban exile attacks on the Castro regime. Six defendants were convicted for violating the Neutrality Act and the Munitions Control Laws. Before the trial, the Justice Department mysteriously dropped the charges against Webell, who then told the press, “When you work for the company, they take care of you."

Defectors from NCLC say that the relationship with WerBell has become a vital part of the fantasy life of NCLC members, subordinate only to their relations with LaRouche himself and to the mysterious "Mister Ed" rumored to be the cutout between the NCLC and wealthy rightwing businessmen.

"The security people are constantly talking about 'Mitch,' it's a sign of status to refer to him by his first name," said one source. "Jeff [Steinberg] talks to him every day, then rushes around to relate the latest words of wisdom."

"The second highest honor for an NCLC member is to be asked to join the security division," said another source. "The highest honor is to be sent to Powder Springs for counterterror training."

Curiously, when WerBell began his background check on NCLC in 1977, the LaRouche security staff had already compiled a detailed dossier on WerBell himself. A visitor to the NCLC security office later that year managed to obtain a Xerox copy of this dossier, which is dated Jan. 5, 1977. It is full of unverifiable details about WerBell's career in U.S. intelligence as well as speculations about bureaucratic infighting within the CIA and the Drug Enforcement Administration. Some of the information comes from a source named "Roy" (apparently Roy Frankhauser, a former FBI informer within the Klan, the Minutemen and the American Nazi Party in Pennsylvania and the man whom NCLC defectors say first introduced the group to WerBell).

The dossier includes speculation that WerBell's difficulties in Federal court had been a case of:

WerBell's watergating by the Rockefeller group now involved in Glynco/INTERPOL terrorist operations, as part of a general push against the Angleton-type clandestine service elements. WerBell is closely associated with various Nixon types such as Krogh and Conein who were ousted by those who now direct INTERPOL operations.

Could WerBell's alleged resentment against the new CIA and DEA leadership be used to help NCLC penetrate the intelligence community? The NCLC apparently discussed this question with Frankhauser:

WerBell is a very close associate of Roy's with whom they worked on several operations. Roy believes that if we can pin down how the operation is being run against WerBell there is a possibility of turning him. He would certainly appear to be under constant pressure, as the recent involvement of his firm in illegal sales of arms to the Iraqis would indicate. Whether or not he can be turned (made to talk), any connections between his network and the Atlanta Mafia would provide a devastating expose against Carter.

Sources familiar with the netherworld of private spooks on the fringes of the CIA say it is highly unlikely NCLC could ever have succeeded in this scheme. "From the progress of LaRouche's politics over the past two and a half years," quipped one source, "I would say its more likely WerBell 'turned' the NCLC than vice versa."

Yet the aging WerBell, by all accounts, is a man who delights in reminiscing about his exploits in the spy business, especially in Southeast Asia. And the young cadre of NCLC proved to be an attentive audience.

"I'm very fond of some of them--they're smart as hell," WerBell told Our Town. But he denied any political dealings with the group.

"My company is apolitical," he said. "Outside the security field, we don't have anything to do with them."

This claim of no political involvement is contradicted by strong evidence:

1. WerBell allowed his name to be used for promotional purposes on the cover of the anti-Semitic USLP book, Dope Inc., which resurrects the long discredited "Protocols of the Elders of Zion." WerBell is quoted on the book jacket as saying, "Dope, Inc. is a book of outstanding importance. It tells the history of a political strike against the United States in an undeclared war being waged by Great Britain." Underneath the quote, WerBell is identified as a "former security and intelligence consultant to the U.S. government."

2. A message of greetings was sent by WerBell to the Dec. 18, 1978 founding conference of the Michigan Anti-Drug Coalition, the prototype of coalitions that were set up by the USLP and the Black Muslims in 27 cities in the following months. "This [meeting] is a profound step towards restoring this nation to health and prosperity," wrote WerBell as quoted in New Solidarity, the biweekly NCLC newspaper, on Dec 29.

3. WerBell issued via the NCLC-controlled New Solidarity International Press Service on Sept. 20, 1977 a personal appeal to the Soviet Union to halt its alleged support for terrorism in Western Europe. The statement, in which Werbell claims to speak for "a great number of retired United States military and intelligence community personnel," was printed in the Sept. 23 New Solidarity. It bears a curious resemblance to LaRouche's major article, "How to Analyze and Uproot International Terrorism," which appeared in New Solidarity six months later (see Sept. 2 Our Town for a description of how this article calls for the final solution against world Jewry). WerBell, like LaRouche, traces international terrorism back to the "City of London financial circles" with specific reference to the Lazard Brothers investment house. Like LaRouche, WerBell writes of the urgent need for counterterror force, although he does not specify its use against anyone except the direct practitioners of terrorism. Finally, WerBell takes the unique NCLC position--a position shared by no other group on the Right--that the Soviet Union has been manipulated by the London bankers into supporting terrorism and can be convinced through rational arguments to review this policy. We quote:

The current wave of bloody terrorism can be ended with the appropriate combination of political intelligence, counterintelligence, and classic police and military action--without abrogating any constitutional rights or international guidelines. The lying claims of Willy Brandt and other spokesmen for Lazard Freres to the effect that there is a genuine resurgence of Nazism and neo-Nazism in Western Europe are pure bunk--calculated to draw the Soviet bloc leadership into a hostile posture towards Western governments and intelligence services moving against the terrorists, and into increasing active support for the terrorists themselves.

Our Town phoned WerBell a second time and asked him if he had really written the appeal to the Soviets. "I probably did," he conceded.

And the endorsement of Dope, Inc.? WerBell readily admitted it, then added: "Every honest patriotic American should read Dope, Inc. I don't believe all of it, but I believe a hell of a lot of it." He referred in particular to the section dealing with the Golden Triangle (Indochina) dope connection. "I personally know the situation. We were operational there."

WerBell has also aided NCLC's attempts to make new contacts and forge new alliances on the Right. According to Birch Society sources, for instance, WerBell attempted to bring together the LaRouche group with Major General John Singlaub (Ret.), former commander of U.S. forces in Korea and a leading spokesman for the responsible Right.

In a phone interview with Our Town, Singlaub recall being pestered on "many occasions" by the USLP.

"Mitch WerBell gave them my telephone number--they flooded me with their materials and kept asking to give me a 'briefing' on it," Singlaub said.

The general added that he had been wary of the group because of their anti-Semitism and had warned WerBell they might be "marxists in disguise."

We asked Singlaub if he had ever met LaRouche. "There was never any effort to get me together with LaRouche," he said. "But what Mitch did he invited them [LaRouche's aides] to a party I was invited to at his place. I recall Jeff Steinberg was there. Also, Mitch invited them to a ceremony at which he and I received an award from the Chinese Nationalist government."

WerBell has also participated in NCLC policymaking, according to defectors from the organization. "WerBell had a lot of input in the writing of Dope, Inc.," said one source. "And he tells Jeff what positions he thinks the organization should take on various questions."

But WerBell's advice, unlike pronouncements from LaRouche, is not always accepted. "When the Nicaraguan revolution began last fall," said one defector, "WerBell advised that the Sandinistas should be opposed as puppets of the Rothschild family. But the Latin American branch heard about this and threw a fit. We ended up supporting the Sandinistas."

WerBell's own political affiliations render plausible the view that his relationship to NCLC is more than that of a security consultant. In his interview with Our Town, WerBell admitted membership in the Liberty Lobby and described Willis Carto as a "close friend." NCLC's most important political alliance on the Right is also with the Liberty Lobby, which is selling Dope, Inc. on consignment. The two groups have worked together in building a "Committee to Dismantle the Anti-Defamation League" and in launching lawsuits against the ADL. In addition, members of NCLC sometimes write for Spotlight, the scurrilous Liberty Lobby weekly.

Is the COBRAY training of NCLC security squads a harbinger of a new wave of violence by the LaRouche group? Defectors from NCLC concede that the New York security staff has confined itself since 1974 to nonviolent "counterespionage" activities against dissidents, defectors, and hostile journalists. (For instance, Nat Hentoff was placed under surveillance and shadowed for days at a time, our sources say.) Violence by the cult has been confined to unarmed physical attacks on Jews by NCLC literature salesmen at airports and railroad stations, usually as a spontaneous result of ideological debate.

Yet our sources are worried about the future. "You have to understand the constant state of hysteria in the NCLC's 'war room,'" one source said. "Every few months they concoct a new assassination scare and get everybody whipped up. One time they even announced a plan to 'hit' every leader of the Communist Party USA if LaRouche should be assassinated."

"They could erupt into mayhem at any time, any time," our source concluded.


Fifth of a series


Lyndon Hermyle LaRouche, Jr., chairman of the National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC), is off and running for President of the United States.

At first glance, his campaign appears to be just one more case of an ideological leader aiming to keep the party faithful in trim and perhaps pick up a few recruits. Such campaigns are a perennial feature of American political life, yet never represent a significant challenge to the two-party system. Even the Communist Party, at the height of its trade union influence in the 1930s, failed to garner as much as one percent of the vote in a presidential election.

The 1980 LaRouche campaign, however, deserves special scrutiny for several reasons. First, it appears so far to be much more heavily financed than the average ideological campaign. Second, the cultist fanaticism of LaRouche's organization will enable him to field hundreds of campaign workers, thus commanding a presence on the street far out of proportion to his actual political base. Third, the LaRouche campaign represents the first effort by neo-Nazism, as opposed to less drastic forms of lunacy, to force its way into the national electoral arena (LaRouche's 1976 campaign came before NCLC adopted neo-Nazism). Fourth, LaRouche has decided--in a move highly unusual for an ideological third party candidate--to run in Republican primaries around the country as a "Republican/Labor" candidate while continuing to pursue his independent campaign.

Sources close to NCLC tell us LaRouche and his top aides are fully aware they have no chance of winning the presidency (whatever they may tell the faithful). But LaRouche does hope to emerge from the presidential campaign as a major figure on the ultraright in this country--a Nazified version of George Wallace--basing himself on both independent and Republican extremists and replacing the John Birch Society's “soft on Zionism" politics with the NCLC/Liberty Lobby anti-Semitic line.

To accomplish this aim, LaRouche reportedly believes he must make a good showing in the Republican primaries (if he's allowed to enter them), then pile up between 250,000 and a half million USLP votes in the general election. If he can do this, he's on his way as a major rightwing figure, with access to the Dallas crazy-Right money and all the clout such money can buy.

Some observers discount even the barest possibility that LaRouche can succeed. They point to the miniscule 40,000 votes he received in the 1976 election, when he was on the ballot in 25 states.

But such incredulity may prove to be LaRouche's best ally, allowing him the margin of freedom from media criticism that will allow him to deceive voters in the hinterlands with his new image as a "responsible Republican."

After all, the LaRouche of 1979 is not the LaRouche of 1976. In the earlier campaign, his image with the ultraright was still tarred by his group's self-styled communist past. Today the NCLC has largely overcome that image and has been accepted by important elements on the ultraright. In terms of alliances, sources of funding, and professed political program, the NCLC's capacity for mischief has been significantly enhanced. And LaRouche's own agitational style has become distinctly less kooky and erratic--he has learned to speak in the language of the traditional right, a language that allows him to gain a respectful (if not always enthusiastic) ear from political groups that would have shunned him three years ago.

The first test for LaRouche will be the New Hampshire primary Feb. 26, 1980. Although LaRouche is already the announced candidate of the United States Labor Party (electoral arm of NCLC), the election laws of New Hampshire pose no explicit barrier to his participation in the Republican primary. "All he has to do is turn in a token number of signatures and pay his filing fee, and he's on the ballot unless some special ruling is made," said an official of the New Hampshire Secretary of State's office.

LaRouche's preparations for the New Hampshire primary are serious. A native of the state (he was born in Rochester), and the purported grandson of an immigrant from Quebec (a large percentage of the state's population is French Canadian in origin), he intends to throw his cult's resources into a major effort for himself as a prodigal son candidate.

Keynote of the campaign is an appeal to New Hampshire's "silent Republican majority" with a pro-industrial growth platform. In late August, LaRouche sent a 10-person full-time advance team into the state to open the first Citizens for LaRouche (CFL) campaign office in Manchester.

According to New Solidarity (NCLC's biweekly paper) on Aug. 28, the new office was to be equipped with a statewide WATS line. Organizers and anticipated volunteer staff were to be provided with automobiles and apartments. "Campaign coordinators in the northeast and midwest will be setting up CFL student groups on campuses to feed the volunteer effort," the article said.

LaRouche has already spent several days campaigning in New Hampshire, and the CFL teams intend to set up "town meetings" for him in "nearly every town, village and hamlet" according to campaign spokesman Steven Pepper. In addition, campaign aides have announced a plan to put "230 campaign workers" into the state at the "high point of the campaign" next February.

Such an effort would be comparable to that of a major candidate. Can the LaRouchies really pull it off? We asked several defectors from the cult.

“NCLC can afford it financially, no doubt of it," said one source. "Especially since their campaign workers, like the McGovern people in 1972, will work for love rather than money."

And what about the prediction of 250 volunteers? "I would say they could do it for several days, perhaps for a week, by sending up most of the cadre from the national office, from Computron, and from the East Coast regional offices. Of course, if they manage to rope in a few new volunteers it will be much easier."

A second source said he thought NCLC "might" be able to muster "150 or 200 troops" for a week. "But it would be a great strain on the organization," he said.

According to another defector, "the question is not their capability but their will. New Solidarity frequently boasts of vast plans which the leadership has no intention of carrying out."

LaRouche began his presidential campaign last March with a series of expensive newspaper and television ads around the country. First was a full-page ad in the Indianapolis Star on March 10, the opening day of the Midwest Republican Conference in that city which was attended by several hundred delegates from 13 states. (LaRouche urged in the ad a "grand coalition" of Republicans and Independents to restore American industrial prosperity.) Second came a televised message by LaRouche to the American people that appeared on stations in New York, Philadelphia, and Detroit. These, together with additional newspaper ads, were paid for by a $40,000 fundraising effort, according to New Solidarity.

LaRouche has been campaigning across the country since last spring, from Georgia to Oregon and with a heavy emphasis on the Midwest (he plans to enter the Iowa primary following New Hampshire). Our Town checked out the boasts of New Solidarity that LaRouche had received extensive media coverage throughout the Midwest. Not only were the boasts true--for once--but some of the news coverage revealed a lack of awareness of LaRouche's real political aims. He was portrayed as a quixotic but legitimate candidate, and the public was not always warned about the anti-Semitic and violence-oriented nature of his organization.

Here's how the LaRouche campaign works: an advance team enters a city (if there's not a local cell of NCLC) to prepare for LaRouche's visit. The local media are deluged with phone calls and with position papers, campaign literature, appearance schedules, and LaRouche's campaign autobiography, In Defense of Reason. An "Independent Voters League" is set up to sponsor a LaRouche "town meeting" at a local hotel, with prominent citizens especially invited. A press conference is scheduled, and the advance team pesters the local Rotary and Kiwanis clubs, the Chamber of Commerce, and other civic groups to invite LaRouche as a speaker.

This approach plays upon the journalistic and civic tradition of "courtesy coverage" for offbeat presidential candidates. As the election heats up, it will also involve demands for "equal time" (a tactic used successfully by USLP local candidates throughout the country). In addition, the USLP approach takes the unusual Third Party character of the LaRouche campaign--its kookiness if you will--and turns it from a liability into an asset. LaRouche gives the media just enough of an offbeat air to attract attention--but not enough to prevent himself from picking up a few votes.

Said one source close to NCLC: "Lyn's aides believe that if this media hype continues to work, and if he steps up his schedule of campaign appearances, he will obtain coverage over the next year from hundreds of important media outlets, reaching an audience in the tens of millions. Most people, of course, will forget his name within hours. But the campaign staff hopes that enough name recognition will be built up to produce a large knee-jerk protest vote on election day."

This strategy also involves a tailoring of LaRouche's rhetoric for different audiences. Speaking before civic clubs, he concentrates on economic issues and on nuclear power. Speaking to the press, he throws in a dash of campaign bravado. Speaking to the "responsible Right" of the Republican Party, he uses the traditional buzzwords about the Council on Foreign Relations and the Eastern establishment.

Speaking to the extremist Right, however, the LaRouche campaign reverts to the more obvious anti-Semitic code language: "Our country, and our posterity, are being destroyed by an alien power....Our youth are submitted to a mind-destroying culture of drugs, sexual perversion, and gibberish that passes for 'modern education'....What America is faced with is a British liberal conspiracy...." says one campaign brochure targeting the Right.

And finally, before the NCLC cadre, all restraints are removed, as in a May 20 Detroit speech by LaRouche in which he attacks the TV movie "Holocaust":

We talk about the horrors of the past; we talk about the horrors of the Nazis....But what the people who put this film on in New York City are prepared to do to the human race makes the Nazi thing look like a slight mistake!

How effective is LaRouche's "responsible Republican" pose in the Midwest? Our Town picked the city of LaCrosse, Wisconsin (pop. 30,000) which LaRouche visited for two days in early August.

LaCrosse contains a university, light industry, and hospitals--and is the market town for a prosperous farming region. Its citizens are solid middle Americans of Scandinavian and German descent. There are only a handful of blacks, and the single synagogue serves several counties in both Wisconsin and Minnesota.

It was in LaCrosse that the USLP leader chose to throw down his gauntlet and declare "war on liberalism" on behalf of the "silent majority," thus delineating the major slogans for his Midwest campaign.

To hear New Solidarity describe it for the party faithful, "LaRouche's declaration...stopped the press and public of LaCrosse dead in their tracks." In addition, it was claimed that "LaRouche addressed...the leading city a three-hour town meeting." And: "LaRouche's press conference was attended by the entire LaCrosse area media."

Telephone interviews with several LaCrosse citizens indicated that New Solidarity had engaged in its usual exaggerations...but there was also a solid kernel of truth in the article.

According to Grant Blum, reporter for the LaCrosse Tribune, who interviewed LaRouche in the latter's "executive suite" at a seedy downtown hotel, the presidential campaign "didn't generate much excitement here."

Yet, according to Blum:

LaRouche did obtain a front-page picture and story from the Tribune and was interviewed on a local radio station;
LaRouche did hold a press conference and a modestly attended town meeting;
LaRouche did speak before the Rotary club;
LaRouche's advance team performed its job efficiently: "They sent us a schedule of his appearances, position papers, a biographical sheet," said Blum;
LaRouche managed to avoid the image of a fanatic. "He was a pleasant kook, not foaming at the mouth, like some," said Blum. "You got the impression of a college professor sitting in his study smoking a pipe. I've interviewed the Birchers and the Klan in my time--he was definitely more polished than them."
LaRouche successfully concealed his anti-Semitic ideas. "This is the first I've heard about it," said Blum. "I'm of Jewish background, and I would have noticed it immediately if he'd said anything like that. He mostly talked economics."
In addition, the LaRouche campaign apparatus in the Midwest appears to be capable of follow-up activities. According to the Tribune's city editor, USLP supporters were passing out pamphlets in downtown LaCrosse on Sept. 6, almost one month after LaRouche's visit.

Our Town called Bill Vickroy, president of the LaCrosse Rotary Club, to ask about LaRouche's speech:

"It was a normal meeting, about a hundred people," said Vickroy. "Mr. LaRouche's speech was what I would call a conservative type of thing. He only spoke for 15 or 20 minutes, and I mostly remember his points about energy. I would say he was well received and the talk was interesting: nuclear power, fusion power, and how coal just isn't the answer."

Vickroy said he didn't recall any anti-Semitic remarks, nor did LaRouche come across as especially strange: "We just got the impression he was a man very interested in running for political office. He seemed more of an independent than a Republican, but he was fairly low-key, I would say."

Neither the chameleon act nor the open demagoguery has produced many endorsements for LaRouche's campaign outside the ranks of NCLC itself. True, he has the support of William Banks, Supreme President of the International Masons (a splinter group of Black Masons), as well as other officers of this order in Michigan and Virginia. But otherwise the endorsements have come only from a smattering of individuals: the president of a union local in St. Louis, the treasurer of a steel casting company in upstate New York, the vice president of a union local in Baltimore, a businessman in Casper, Wyoming, and a former regent of the Maryland D.A.R. LaRouche's friends among Southern segregationists (for instance, Col. Tom McCrary, longtime USLP ally and a 1976 presidential elector for Lester Maddox) are adopting a wait-and-see attitude.

Yet LaRouche is optimistic about the New Hampshire caper. His newspaper notes that the Granite State "has been traditionally led by people who fought the Boston-Kennedy banking nexus for a high-technology policy" (a reference to the state's former Birch Society-linked governor, Meldrim Thomson Jr., who was narrowly defeated for re-election last year and who shares LaRouche's passionate hatred of environmentalists). Pro-nuclear power sentiment is still strong in some quarters in New Hampshire, and LaRouche will remind all and sundry that his group has been in the forefront of nuclear power defense, informing on Seabrook demonstrators to the New Hampshire State Police in 1976 and supporting the construction union counterdemonstrations. In July, LaRouche called for a "NASA-style crash program" to build "1,000 nuclear reactors in the U.S. by the year 2000."

The NCLC primary campaign is also linking the nuclear power issue with LaRouche's general "war on liberalism." The Democratic Party scene, New Solidarity writes, "resembles the Mad Hatter's tea party with Tom Hayden and Jane Fonda coming into New Hampshire for a two-day anti-nuclear bacchanal...for the Clamshell Alliance" together with "a boatload of organizers for Zen Buddhist governor Jerry Brown."

LaRouche's New Hampshire efforts will center, however, on his "town meeting" strategy to bring him into intimate face to face sessions with New Hampshire voters whom he will regale with his "industrial recovery program": nuclear energy development, mammoth high-technology capacity expansion, and "fiscal incentives to penalize speculation and provide high profits and incomes for labor and productive industry." These are the issues on which he sounds the most rational, and even his most hostile critics among NCLC defectors admit that he is an excellent public speaker and articulate on economic issues. "He will be effective if his aides keep him away from the conspiracy and assassination theme," said one source.

But underneath the technocratic hooplah, the real purpose of the campaign emerges in New Solidarity's articles. LaRouche wants to use anti-Semitism to snatch the leadership of ultraright Republicans away from the Birch Society and other soft-on-Zionism groups. In the Aug. 28 New Solidarity, the LaRouchies speak of a "war on Buckleyism," referring to conservative William F. Buckley's support for Israel. The article goes on to speak of an alleged split within the Reagan camp between pro-Zionist and anti-Zionist forces, and describes NCLC's strategy as one of either forcing Reagan into the anti-Zionist camp or else winning anti-Semites among the Reagan forces into an alliance with the USLP.

NCLC's obsession with this idea is seen in various attacks on Republican and other conservative figures. For instance, John Connally is "bought and run by New York's Zionist leadership," and Georgia Congressman Larry P. McDonald, a leader of the John Birch Society, is "entirely propped up through the efforts of the Zionist lobby and British intelligence."

Of course the NCLC's hopes depend on whether significant sections of the American Right are ready to move towards Liberty Lobby-style anti-Semitism. If they are, LaRouche knows that his own candidacy is their only choice in the national electoral arena.As New Solidarity says:

The people of this country know what the issues are, they know what the problems are, but they have remained the silent Republican majority because until LaRouche there was never a political leader who would address the problems and offer solutions.

And LaRouche himself says, referring to "Zionist" attacks on his politics: "I am a chief target...because I have had the guts to identify the enemy boldly and directly."

From Oregon to Virginia


Sixth of a series


When the typical ideological sect of either the Left or the Right runs a candidate for local public office in the United States, it generally rejoices if its candidate wins as much as 4 or 5 percent of the vote.

The U.S. Labor Party--electoral arm of the neo-Nazi National Caucus of Labor Committees--does much better than the typical sect.

An Our Town survey of local election results from Washington State through North Carolina has uncovered 19 races between 1974 and 1979 in which USLP candidates have received between 8 and 32 percent of the popular vote.

The survey is not yet complete, and the total may run as high as 25 elections. So far, it includes 8 Congressional races, 7 municipal contests (for offices as diverse as mayor, city treasurer, and councilman), and 4 school board elections.

For comparison, Our Town checked with the national office of the Socialist Workers Party, a leftist group noted for its vigorous electoral efforts. A spokesman could recall only one election in recent years in which an SWP candidate received as much as 10 percent of the vote.

The USLP has not yet elected any of its candidates to public office. By this standard it lags behind the Libertarian Party which recently won a seat in the Alaska state legislature. But the USLP minions, unlike the Libertarians, compete in trade union elections. And in this latter arena they have scored at least one victory: a USLP member was elected as financial secretary of a large United Auto Workers local in Grand Rapids, Mich., in 1978 on a coalition slate.

Some observers have been amused by the USLP's penchant for compulsive electioneering, whereby in some areas (as Washington, D.C.) virtually every party activist runs for public office. Yet it is precisely this compulsiveness that has enabled the USLP to outperform most other extremist parties in terms not only of vote percentages, but also in number of candidates on the ballot, campaign visibility, and geographical range.

In 1976, the USLP ran 140 candidates in 21 states, more than any other minority party according to the Congressional Quarterly. In 1978, the total was still an impressive 72 candidates in 17 states. Close observers of USLP believe that in 1980, a presidential year, the total may climb back towards the 1976 level, as the party takes advantage of ultraright financial support for chairman Lyndon Hermyle LaRouche, Jr.'s presidential campaign. A bevy of local USLP candidates demanding "equal time" on local radio and TV stations and in daily newspapers could help to build the momentum of LaRouche's campaign.

According to one source, the NCLC leadership in New York City regards the compulsive electioneering as "good practice." It has enabled them to build a disciplined national mini-machine which may lack a strong political base but nevertheless has an impact far out of proportion to its size via expertise in petition gathering (and in challenging the petitions of rivals), manipulation of the media to gain maximum coverage and appearances before an amazing number of community groups and forums.

The majority of the estimated 300 candidates the USLP has run since its first hysterical forays into electoral politics in the early 1970s have not done well. The party's gubernatorial and U.S. Senatorial candidates generally get less than one percent of the vote, and even the majority of USLP local candidates (Congressional and municipal) get less than five percent. Yet the large number of exceptions reveal that the USLP--with its well-groomed and articulate candidates, its professionally drafted economic development programs, and its carefully tailored ethnic demagoguery--will have a real capacity for electoral growth if it succeeds in its present goal of winning significant support from the Republican and independent ultraright.

VIRGINIA: A perennial USLP candidate in Richmond’s 3rd Congressional District, one Alan Ogden, has polled over 10 percent in three successive elections (1974, 1976, 1978) against incumbent Democrat David Satterfield. In the 1977 Virginia gubernatorial election, according to the Washington Post, some state politicians were worried that Ogden's USLP candidacy might tip the election in favor of the Republican candidate (in fact, Ogden's vote in the statewide election turned out to be inconsequential). This year, Ogden is one of eight candidates running for five seats in the Virginia House of Delegates from Richmond's 33rd District. Observers on the scene believe that, given sheer name recognition, he may win a higher percentage than in any previous race.

NEW YORK: In the 1977 New York City municipal elections, the USLP candidate for city council president, Paul Gallagher, came in third in a field of eight (although with a miniscule percentage of the total), outpolling well-known Conservative Party candidate Abe Hirschfeld by more than one thousand votes. In Buffalo this past spring, Dr. Ernest Shapiro of the USLP was one of nine candidates running for three seats on the municipal school board. The highest total was 11,509. Shapiro, although not elected, received 3,555 votes.

MARYLAND: In Baltimore's 7th Congressional District, USLP candidate Debra Hanania Freeman won 11.3 percent in her race against incumbent Parren Mitchell. Freeman's vote represented a doubling of the percentage received by the 1976 USLP candidate in the same district.

OREGON: A USLP candidate for Congress, Martin Simon, polled over 16 percent in 1976 in the 3rd Congressional District (Portland). In 1978, he polled 15 percent. Also in 1978, USLP's Susan Kilber received 7 percent in a State Representative race (13th District). According to New Solidarity, Kilber had obtained the endorsement of Teamster Joint Council 37.

WASHINGTON STATE: In Seattle, USLP's Carol Ruckert received 20 percent in the 1975 race for City Treasurer, while USLP's Marianna Stapel received 26 percent in the city council contest. In Tacoma, Evelyn Lantz received 13 percent in a 1977 city council primary. Also that year, her husband Brian received 31.5 percent in a school board runoff. The Lantzes have since moved to Seattle, and in the Sept. 18, 1979 Seattle primary Mr. Lantz came in second in a field of four for the No. 3 City Council seat. In the November election, he will be the only candidate facing the incumbent and can be expected to gain at least 10 percent of the vote.

MASSACHUSETTS: In 1974 in the Boston area, USLP's Larry Sherman received 10.7 percent in the 9th Congressional District, while USLP's James Kiggin received 6.9 percent in the 8th C.D. In 1975, a USLP mayoral candidate in Springfield, one Stephen Desmond, came in second in a field of four in the primary elections, then received 12 percent in the general election against the incumbent. Also that year, USLP's John McCarthy received almost 10 percent in the Springfield city council primary.

In 1976, the USLP ran Graham Lowry (the son of former Ford Foundation vice president W. McNeill Lowry) for the U.S. Senate. Although Lowry received less than five thousand votes, the NCLC's New Solidarity consoled its readers with the boast that he had received 25 percent of the total vote in Ward 6, precinct 6 of South Boston, where USLP propaganda had vigorously opposed school busing. In 1978, Lowry ran for Congress in the 11th C.D. and received 8.3 percent of the vote.

WASHINGTON, D.C.: In the 1977 school board election, a USLP candidate received 19 percent, coming in third in a field of four candidates contesting a single at-large seat.

NORTH CAROLINA: A USLP candidate polled 11 percent in a 1978 Charlotte school board election (according to New Solidarity), finishing 11th in a field of 14 candidates seeking four at-large seats.

So what's going on? Is the USLP about to break out of quarantine and seize municipal and even congressional seats across the nation? Not yet. A careful analysis of the circumstances surrounding the above elections reveals that a large degree of mirror trickery is involved:

In all of the above Congressional races, the USLP had picked situations in which the Democratic candidate lacked a Republican opponent. Hence, the USLP candidates were able to garner the knee-jerk Republican and independent protest votes (especially since the USLP attacks its Democratic opponents from the right rather than the left).
In the Washington State municipal races, all candidates were listed alphabetically on the ballot without party designation. In state legislative and congressional elections (in which candidates are listed by party), the very same USLP candidates did rather poorly. In some contests, the USLP candidates were listed as "independents" rather than by party label (for instance, Ms. Freeman in Baltimore). In addition, Freeman was the only white candidate running against an incumbent Black in a district two-thirds Black and thus was able to attract white voters on racial grounds.
Our Town questioned Dave Burt, administrative assistant to Oregon Congressman Robert Duncan who has been opposed twice by USLP candidate Simon. "Even Mickey Mouse could have gotten that much," said Burt, referring to Simon's 15 percent in 1978.

Thelma Carlson, a congressional assistant in Portland, was not as scornful. "I don't think they have what you would call a real constituency," she said, "but they were able to register enough USLP voters to qualify for the ballot. I'm sure we have several thousand world changers in this district who might listen to them." Carlson added that the USLP "works very, very hard--they really get out there at election time."

Former members of the NCLC are also divided on the question of the USLP election gains. But they agree on one thing: Small cells of the party in places like Richmond and Portland tend to be "less crazy" than the New York apparatus.

"The national office keeps in touch with them daily through the TELEX and the WATS lines," said one source. "But people like Alan Ogden don't live in the same brainwashed environment as the national office staff. They tend to be more flexible in their politics, and I can see how voters would perceive Ogden as just a local boy with slightly offbeat ideas."

Another source alleged that "local cadre in places like Portland aren't fully aware of the fascist intrigues of the New York security staff. They tend to be more leftwing than the national office."

Yet the national leadership of NCLC makes every effort to coordinate and control the dozens of local election campaigns each year, fitting them into a centralized strategy. Key to these efforts, defectors say, is the national "Operations Sector" headed by Warren Hammerman and Marsha Pepper. Mrs. Pepper is the wife of art historian Steve Pepper, who functions as NCLC's chief election fundraiser among wealthy right-wingers.

"At election time, there will be a dozen campaign grids on the walls, and the NCLC computers will be coughing out 'activity analyses' to aid in planning," said one source. "Leaflets for local campaigns are generally printed locally, but a lot of the content will be dictated by TELEX from New York. If a crisis occurs--like someone getting thrown off the ballot--the local cadre will call the Operations Sector which will then decide how to deploy the NCLC legal team and other central resources to handle the problem."

When candidates make a poor showing, the national office strives to maintain their morale by telling them it's a result of "vote fraud." The USLP has become, in fact, quite expert on the vote fraud issue. In 1976 it persuaded local Republicans in four states, and also a top Ford advisor, to cooperate in court challenges against Carter's victory. According to defectors, the USLP vote fraud experts have also been hired on occasion as consultants to mainstream politicians.

But the USLP's application of the vote fraud theory to its own election results is often quite bizarre. For instance, last November, USLP's Freeman in Baltimore proclaimed that she had really won the election, began calling herself the "Congresswoman-Elect," and even phoned Parren Mitchell's staff to ask when he intended to move out of "her" office! Incredibly, Freeman then took the issue to the U.S. House of Representatives and, through sheer persistence, managed to force a vote on the floor (unanimous for Mitchell).

Defectors from NCLC say the cult's national leadership was "fully aware" that Freeman's case was a fabrication. But there was method in the madness: "By claiming vote fraud," one source said, "LaRouche undermines his own followers' residual faith in the democratic system of government, and attempts to build cynicism about elections in the mind of the general public. This, in turn, helps to strengthen his ideological arguments against a pluralist society and in favor of a totalitarian state."

One former NCLC member recalled a meeting of intelligence staffers last year at which a leading cadre announced that party candidates would soon be "put in office by our 'friends' through vote fraud."

When questioned about the propriety of using a method which the party so often condemns, this leader allegedly said, "There's nothing wrong with it--our enemies use it." And, "We don't want democracy--we want a leader. We've got to make Lyn dictator."

But to obtain a helping hand from its "friends" on the ultraright, the NCLC must first demonstrate its political effectiveness. Therein, according to our sources, lies the significance of the Freeman campaign and its bizarre aftermath: "Lyn figured he'd show 'Mister Ed' how clever he could be at instigating Jews to attack Blacks as well as their fellow Jews," alleged one former member.

And who could be a better target than Rep. Parren Mitchell, leader of the Black Congressional Caucus and one of the most liberal figures in Congress?

Yet the NCLC leaders faced a delicate problem: They had to attack Mitchell in a manner that would avoid disrupting their growing alliance with the powerful Black Muslims.

Thus, the attack was spearheaded against the Baltimore Jewish community, for whom Mitchell was said to be a "lackey." In other words, anti-Semitism was used as the cover for agitation against Blacks.

Blacks in Mitchell’s district were appealed to on the basis that Mitchell and the "Zionists" were involved in the heroin traffic. And Freeman stated in a television appearance three days before the election:

Parren Mitchell, and more important the evil forces that control Parren Mitchell, will desperately try to prevent the population from having the type of leadership I represent. For them keeping errand boys like Mitchell in office is a life and death issue.

This fight against the "evil forces" was escalated after the election, when Freeman wrote in New Solidarity:

Even before B'nai B'rith was founded, wealthy Jewry...who were centered in Baltimore profited largely from traffic in black slaves. They made...Baltimore a notorious pro-slavery stronghold of British treason against the United States....

The special significance of the leading Zionist families in Baltimore today is not just that they are still the descendants of slave-traders and traitors, but that they still hold the philosophical outlook that permits trade in human commodities! It is time to put an end to this moral degeneracy.

Freeman attempted to soften the message for Baltimore's Jews by announcing that "I am of Sephardic Jewish extraction. This Judaic faction has been persecuted and victimized for far too long by Zionists...." (In fact, this was a reference to a key doctrine in Lyndon LaRouche's Secrets Known Only to the Inner Elites: the distinction between the "Whore of Babylon" Jews who practice usury and the Sephardic Jews who can allegedly be used to further the USLP conspiracy for world domination.)

Freeman's attack on "Zionism" in defense of Blacks was really, on the most basic level, an attack on the Black community. This was shown, first, in the election returns: Even New Solidarity was forced to admit that most of Freeman's votes came from white working-class neighborhoods, not from the Blacks she had presumed to champion. The white voters (who gave Freeman a very good showing in their precincts) may have listened to some of her anti-Semitic rhetoric. But the main thing they picked up was her virulent attack on a Black incumbent.

Indeed, the true racial attitude behind the campaign finally came out in a hysterical tirade by Freeman after the elections, printed in New Solidarity under the heading "Parren Mitchell, House Nigger." We quote:

What did it take to transform a highly skilled population into ghetto residents....? It took a house nigger. It took a house nigger who was willing to run west Baltimore like one big plantation. In Baltimore, when you need a house nigger, you go to the Mitchell clan.

The NCLC's "friends" were apparently so pleased with this dual attack on Blacks and Jews that the LaRouche group has decided to make it an ongoing feature of their electoral activity. For instance, Mr. Lantz, who will be the white candidate facing a Black incumbent for City Council in Seattle next November, is already attacking his opponent as a "step-'n-fetch-it" for the "liberal crowd in the Council majority."

Undoubtedly, USLP candidates around the country gain a few votes from this type of demagoguery, but most observers believe the group's clever selection of districts with no Republican candidates is far more important. Yet to what extent is the latter tactic only an example of mirror trickery?

Our Town leaves its readers with the following thoughts:

1. The ability to move into an electoral vacuum aggressively is itself a form of electoral strength (just as is the ability to perform mirror tricks). In more than one instance in our nation's history, it has led to the achievement of political legitimacy by previously powerless groups.

2. The USLP links its campaign not just with a kooky ideology but with real and highly emotional issues such as the narcotics traffic among our nation's youth. The latter issue undoubtedly produced votes for Dr. Shapiro in Buffalo last spring. The USLP is a neo-Nazi organization, but it is also one of' the few political groups in the U.S. to address the drug abuse issue forcefully.

3. Most of the USLP electoral results analyzed above occurred before the group adopted an openly anti-Semitic line in late 1977. Since then, there has been no decrease in the willingness of "protest voters" to cast their ballots for USLP candidates, in spite of scurrilous campaign literature.

4. As one defector from NCLC told us, "If it's so easy for USLP to pick up these high vote percentages--if it's nothing but a mirror trick--then how come the other extremist parties aren't doing it?"


Seventh of a series


The neo-Nazi National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC) has gone into the private intelligence and security business, offering its alleged expertise in combating terrorism to a wide variety of national security and law enforcement agencies as well as multinational corporations.

The existence of this NCLC sideline--essentially an attempt to turn a profit while promoting fuehrer Lyndon Hermyle LaRouche, Jr.'s political goals--is revealed in confidential documents of the group's Security Division.

For instance: a special report prepared in Aug. 1977 for circulation to members of the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP). Entitled "Urban Terrorism in the Advanced Countries," the document attempts to promote the U.S. Labor Party (public name of NCLC) as a responsible source of advice and information for the law enforcement community.

Included is a catalog of USLP-prepared intelligence reports selling for as much as $25 each, on a variety of political organizations alleged to be involved in terrorism. Among these groups are legitimate targets of police scrutiny such as the Japanese Red Army and Black September. But the catalog also describes reports on non-terrorist leftist groups (such as the October League), liberal think tanks (such as the Institute for Policy Studies), the environmentalist movement, the Carter administration, punk rock musicians, and conservative journalist William F. Buckley.

As one former member of NCLC commented, "Antiterrorist intelligence gathering is used as an excuse for snooping and informing on anybody who happens to disagree with the politics of Lyndon LaRouche."

According to the catalog, the USLP also offers "Special Investigative Services" based on "extensive files of raw and semi-finished material built up over a nine-year period." The catalog promises that "all work contracted to the Investigative Service will be done by USLP personnel who have a minimum of four years of concentrated experience in the security-counterintelligence field."

According to our sources, members of the USLP security staff are expected to meet sales quotas for intelligence reports and other party literature by incessantly calling up police officials and security-minded corporate officials throughout the country. Included in these efforts, when appropriate, is a pitch for the Special Investigative Services.

Our sources say that special investigations are "handled only by the top people in Security and are kept secret from the rest of the organization." Thus, these sources were only able to name one private client, a corporation closely linked to the South African government.

According to Greg Rose (a former NCLC leader) in a recent article in National Review, the Security staff once prepared a quasi-intelligence report for the Iraqi government concerning the National Renaissance Party, a small neo-Nazi sect which the Iraqis were reportedly thinking of subsidizing. Our Town's sources claim the Security staff also did jobs for French and Iranian intelligence agencies.

As to clients in the law enforcement community, our sources say that sales of published NCLC reports (especially, the anti-Semitic book Dope, Inc.) to police officials around the country have been "substantial." In addition, we verified that NCLC representatives have met on occasion with various local police intelligence units (police sources say these meetings are more useful in keeping track of NCLC itself than in gaining information about terrorists).

According to Robert Angrisani, administrative assistant to the director of IACP, the 12,000 member organization "receives newsletters from the USLP from time to time." However, he said that IACP had never recommended USLP literature or consulting services to its membership.

Yet USLP security chief Jeff Steinberg did attend the IACP convention in New York City in Oct. 1978 as a reporter for the New Solidarity International Press Service (NSIPS), a USLP front organization. According to New Solidarity (the biweekly USLP newspaper), Steinberg circulated several hundred copies of a "National Strategy for Crime Control," written especially for the convention by LaRouche. Steinberg also attended the convention's "terrorism workshop," where he reportedly raised the ire of at least one panelist by making allegations about Israeli control of terrorism in Western Europe.

Police officials are wary of USLP, in spite of its freshly minted law and order rhetoric, because of its history of violence. But even more important in limiting the appeal of its intelligence reports is the low value of the data.

According to former NCLC members, the group's vaunted "counterintelligence" work is chiefly composed of library research, reading and clipping an enormous number of periodicals in more than a dozen languages, and making hundreds of "undercover phone calls" per day on the group's WATS line.

A brochure describing the USLP security services dated July 15, 1978, and signed by LaRouche, states that the USLP "maintains no body of persons assigned to continuing undercover surveillance operations" and that it is restricted to "supplying profile information to security services which do maintain undercover sources."

Defectors whom NCLC say that it is almost impossible for the cult to conduct long-term undercover operations. "Anybody who went undercover would be leaving the 'controlled environment,'" observed one source. "LaRouche is rightly afraid he would lose his hold on them."

But the NCLC's telephone tactics are conducted with considerable interrogatory skill and often succeed in eliciting valuable information. For instance, several weeks ago the publisher of Our Town, Ed Kayatt, was called by a member of the NCLC security staff posing as Katherine Darrow, associate counsel for the New York Times (in fact, Ms. Darrow was on vacation in Canada), to discuss pending libel suits by the NCLC against both the Times and Our Town. "She was very convincing," said Mr. Kayatt.

NCLC also obtains valuable intelligence data via debriefings of cult recruits who previously belonged to rival extremist groups. For instance, a Security Division Field Report of July 25, 1977 states: "In Hartford, we have a new member, Roger McCafferty, who in the late 60s and early 70s was around the Black Panther Support Committee, the Venceremos Brigade, H. Bruce Franklin, etc. Joe McD will be getting him to write up much of his experiences." [Editor: The Venceremos Brigade, led by Mr. Franklin, was a leftist group in California in the early 1970s, now defunct.]

The report goes on to claim that "Roger was rather knowledgeable of Franklin's activities. Roger is currently organizing full-time in [our] local. Joe McD will be maintaining contact with me to keep us informed of Roger's activities, his knowledge of these situations, and evaluating whether it might be worthwhile or necessary to get him down here [to New York]."

Readers should note carefully the wording of the above passage. Not only is Joe expected to induce Roger to inform on Bruce Franklin, but also (in true Orwellian fashion) Joe is expected to serve as an informer on Roger himself for the New York security staff!

Another source of intelligence is NCLC loyalists with jobs in the outside world. Although the cult does not have a policy of "planting" its members in sensitive jobs, it occasionally is able to benefit from fortuitous circumstances:

Until only a few months ago, a member of the NCLC who is also the wife of a high level security staffer, was employed as the personal assistant to William Bundy, director of the prestigious Council on Foreign Relations, and was thus able to provide NCLC with timely information regarding policy decisions of the CFR (which has long been one of the favorite hate targets of NCLC and other rightwing fringe groups).
In 1973-74, a physician in NCLC was employed at Lincoln Hospital in the Bronx, and was able to use his position to gather information about links between the Lincoln Detox program (a now-defunct drug rehabilitation outfit) and Black and Puerto Rican nationalist groups. According to a former official of the program, "Some of NCLC's information on the early period of Lincoln Detox's history was very accurate. I've often wondered how they got it."
NCLC is also capable of "short-term undercover investigations," although our sources say these operations are few and far between. The most successful one was probably the infiltration of a USLP member, posing as a freelance reporter, into the June 10-11, 1978 national convention of PROD, a dissident reform group within the Teamsters Union. The result was a 32-page "Special Report for the Teamster Leadership," including interviews with PROD spokesmen on delicate questions of tactics, an analysis of the convention registration lists, a report of the proceedings, and a projection of PROD's plans for the upcoming year.

In addition, the NCLC managed to get a member of its Latin American intelligence sector into Castro's Cuba for the Non-aligned Conference last month (even though the Cubans adhere to the international line of the communist press that NCLC is a "CIA front"). The NCLC operative, officially attending as a correspondent for NSIPS, even gained an interview with a high-ranking official of the new Sandinista government of Nicaragua.

According to NCLC defectors, the group's first overtures to the law enforcement community came in early 1974, when the cult attempted to enlist support among Boston police officers against an alleged conspiracy by the federal Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA) to take over local police departments.

In mid 1976, shortly after LaRouche's "turn to the Right," NCLC made a flurry of phone calls to the FBI and the CIA, offering to give them information on alleged terrorist activity by the Institute of Policy Studies and other left-leaning groups. According to documents obtained under the Freedom of Information Act, FBI agents met with NCLC members on several occasions. The CIA, more cautious, advised the group to submit its information in writing.

NCLC apparently achieved one concrete benefit from these contacts. In 1977, the FBI officially dropped its surveillance of NCLC, even though previous bureau reports had characterized the group as extremely dangerous and violent. (See Our Town, Sept. 23.)

Over the past year, NCLC has championed the cause of former FBI and CIA officials forced to resign after the Nixon era. NCLC speaks of the "gutting" of the intelligence community and calls for the formation of a privately funded shadow-CIA based on collaboration between former intelligence officers and the USLP.

In fact, NCLC is already collaborating with fringe elements of the former intelligence community: individuals such as Mitchell WerBell III, Gordon Novel, and Roy Frankhauser.

According to our sources, however, the great dream of the NCLC security staff is to link up with James Jesus Angleton, former CIA counterintelligence chief and now the chairman of the privately funded Security and Intelligence Fund.

Respected figures in the foreign policy establishment say that any serious link between Angleton, a strong supporter of Israel, and the anti-Semitic USLP would be highly unlikely. But the NCLC can't help trying. One of our dissident sources recalled how, during a recent crisis at the NCLC's national office, one of the security honchos shouted to an underling: "Quick! Go brief Angleton!"

Our Town called Angleton who confirmed that he had received "more than one" call from the USLP "several months ago."

"They told me their leader was being threatened with assassination, they wanted me to alert the authorities for them," Angleton said. "To tell the truth, I've never understood what they're all about."

The most sinister feature of USLP's attempts to gain acceptance in law enforcement and national security circles is not the paranoid intelligence reports the group circulates. Rather, it is their attempts to organize frustrated cops and spooks around overtly fascist political programs, based on anti-Semitism and on an idolization of Frank Rizzo's police department in Philadelphia.

Our Town obtained copies of two bound volumes of sample intelligence reports and New Solidarity reprints which NCLC has reportedly circulated among law enforcement officials in several cities. The lead reprint in one volume is LaRouche's "How to Analyze and Uproot International Terrorism" (described in Our Town, Sept. 2), in which LaRouche calls for the final solution against world Jewry.

The code word "British" (for Jew) featured in this New Solidarity article is also used in literature explicitly aimed at law enforcement officials. For instance, in the July 15, 1978 statement by LaRouche describing USLP "security services," the NCLC fuehrer charges that "Terrorism is the wet edge of a covert psychological warfare operation run by agencies of the British monarchy and its allies against both nations and factional forces whose policies are considered a potential danger to the perceived interests of the British monarchy and its allies."

But in NCLC's appeal to law officers, the "British" code word is supplemented by a second code word, "terrorism," which stands for any form of social protest left of center (liberal, socialist, or communist). This is made clear by NCLC's incessant equating of terrorism with a wide variety of peaceful protest movements, especially the environmental movement.

As with the "British" code, there is a method in the mad semantics. The term "terrorism" enables NCLC to call for the use of "preventive force" and "surgical force" against legitimate protest movements, but without triggering outrage among potential NCLC supporters who are not yet ready for such extreme ideas.

According to one former NCLC member, "they are actually calling for death squads as in Latin America. It's a fitting ideological complement to the counterterrorist training they receive at the 'Farm' in Powder Springs, Georgia."

The call for preventive repression is based upon LaRouche's theory that terrorism is not the work of isolated groups but is controlled from the top down by international Jewish bankers and is linked to an entire social environment of Jewish-inspired social protest (which is itself part of the terrorist conspiracy, even when conducted peacefully). Thus terrorism can only be stopped, the NCLC leader argues, by striking at the high level controllers and uprooting the environment of social protest.

We quote from the July 15, 1978 statement:

If antiterrorist forces are limited by executive direction or policy to pursuing the perpetrators during and after the act, there is no probable defense against terrorism. A soft approach to terrorist control...or limiting action to seeking out the identified perpetrators of accomplished crimes leaves the nation essentially defenseless against a continuing wave of terrorism.

Readers should note how the NCLC neatly sidesteps the Bill of Rights and other Constitutional guarantees: An individual does not, in their view, have to actually commit a crime before becoming an object of repressive action by the state. All he has to do is participate in a general climate of political dissent.

This latter point is stated very precisely by LaRouche in his appeal for "surgically precise preventive action" to be directed against the "deployment capabilities and controllership of the overall operation of which terrorism is a part" (in other words, against all radicals, all dissenters... and all Jews).

Furthermore, terrorism should be taken advantage of to justify a state of siege: "It is essential to launch a surgically precise action ... but also to use the terrorism as a justification for political penalties against the environmentalists."

Finally, the purpose of state repression should not be (as under the rule of law) to see that justice is done--but rather to serve totalitarian goals. The "surgery," LaRouche teaches, is necessary in order to "give the population confidence in the government's ability to defeat the terrorists" and also to "produce the effect of a preventive action against further terrorist activities." In other words, LaRouche--the self-styled defender of conservative American values--would give the U.S. government unprecedented new powers: the power to glorify itself (i.e., give the people "confidence" in itself) at the expense of dissenters, and the power to punish people not for what they have done but for what they might do ("preventive action").

As we go to press, a LaRouche campaign aide informs us that the NCLC leader has expanded his Presidential campaign plans for the upcoming months to include participation in the primaries in no less than ten states.

SIDEBAR: Cult of Intelligence

"The ferocity with which NCLC members pursue intelligence data is almost impossible for outsiders to comprehend," a former cult member told Our Town. "They are constantly profiling the opinions of bankers, police officials, diplomats, politicians, government bureaucrats...anyone they can reach, and often some pretty high up people. It's a constant active intelligence process seven days a week, and God knows where it all gets sent."

The national office intelligence staff at 304 W. 58th St. in Manhattan is divided into sectors for various parts of the world. Each morning, the sector heads "deploy" their assistants based on instructions from the National Executive Committee (NEC), to make undercover phone calls, translate articles, search the files, etc.

Redeployments are made throughout the day, based on consultation between the NEC and the sector heads, to produce the final product: the sector reports and the daily intelligence analysis and briefings based on these reports.

The daily analysis is decided through vigorous debate at the NEC meeting held each evening, and the final briefing slugs are then written. The results are handed to the communications staff which telexes them to all regional offices and to the international co-thinker organizations, so that each member of the cult throughout the world can receive his copy when he reports for duty the next morning.

This process is carried out like clockwork on most days, and the discipline of the national office sector workers and NEC members is guaranteed by the "high" they achieve. They live and work in a fantasy environment in which NCLC is a world government in the wings and the Thought of Lyndon LaRouche has a daily impact on the lives of millions.

Each day's report for each given sector is made up of notes from dozens of phone calls and from a vast number of periodicals, as well as the reports that come in by Telex from each regional office and from overseas. After its use in producing the daily intelligence evaluation, all of this material is carefully cross-filed for future reference.

Two years ago, the NCLC dreamed of putting all of its raw intelligence into computer data banks, but they lacked the manpower for such a vast undertaking. Yet even processed by hand--and even after subtracting the wildly inaccurate information frequently accepted at face value by spaced-out sector zombies--the files of the NCLC may very well be the largest single collection of privately owned political intelligence data in the United States.


Eighth of a series


Lyndon LaRouche’s United States Labor Party (USLP) waged a persistent campaign in 1977-78 to win friends and allies in the white minority government and ruling party of South Africa and in the pro-South Africa lobby in the United States. The effort included meetings with South African diplomats, a conference sponsored by a USLP front organization to encourage investment in South Africa, and the preparation of "intelligence reports" on anti-apartheid organizations.

The persons targeted by the USLP included several who were involved during the same period in covert South African influence-buying and propaganda operations controlled by South Africa’s Bureau of State Security (BOSS) and financed by a $74 million slush fund conduited through the Department of Information. The existence of this secret fund was uncovered by opposition South African newspapers in 1978, resulting in the biggest political scandal in the republic’s history. It led to the resignation of Information Minister Connie Mulder (hence the name "Muldergate"), and other prominent officials, and to the government's Erasmus Commission report which is still making waves.

South African diplomats in Washington and New York as well as spokesmen for the unofficial South Africa lobby spoke frankly to Our Town about the USLP's attempt to cozy up to them. They denied, however, that they had encouraged the USLP or given it money from the Mulder fund.

According to Johan Adler, deputy consul general for information at the New York consulate, his office was contacted by David Cherry (a member of USLP's Africa intelligence sector) "in late 1977 or early 1978."

"They wanted to be friendly," said Adler, "so one of my people went over to their headquarters on the West Side. They invited him into the inner sanctum and took him on a sort of a grand tour. He got the impression they were trying to sell him something."

Adler also said the USLP wanted his office to subscribe to an "intelligence digest...It was quite expensive, and we didn’t buy it. I told my people to stay away from them, and there was no further contact.”

A similar account was given by Karl Noffke, information counselor of the South African Embassy in Washington. He said that members of the Labor Party had made appointments with Embassy staffers on "five or six occasions."

"Their main purpose seemed to be to reveal their philosophy," Noffke recalled. "They wanted to alert us about certain forces they think are bad for South Africa: the British, the Wall Street bankers, and so forth. They presented themselves as a conservative right-wing group, but seemed to have socialistic tendencies as well."

Noffke added that Embassy personnel "listened with courtesy as we would with any group, but we didn't regard them as a significant political force."

The USLP also approached the South Africans through unofficial channels. For instance: the public relations firm of Sydney S. Baron & Co., which is a registered agent for the South African government and which employs Les de Villiers, a former South African information official involved in the Mulder scandal, to manage the SA account.

De Villiers told Our Town he was phoned "persistently" in "March or April of last year" by the USLP's Douglas DeGroot (like Cherry, a member of the Africa sector). De Villiers finally agreed to see DeGroot, but recalls that "our conversation was an unhappy one. He gave me this spiel about the U.S. and Israel conspiring against South Africa. He left me two tabloids which dealt with South Africa's problems in a singularly naive fashion--I threw them out."

According to De Villiers, the USLP representative "never said 'you do this and we'll do that,' but his intent seemed to be that they would publicize the South African economy if South Africa would go along with their conspiracy theory. His wish was for cooperation between South Africa and his party. He tried to impress us with what his group is capable of doing."

De Villiers says that he was "unimpressed" with the group and its political theories, and that he had recommended "noncooperation."

According to an informed source close to the South African diplomatic community, the relationship between the USLP and the South African information apparatus may have been more complicated than the above officials are now willing to admit.

"I was told that certain people at the Embassy and at the New York consulate were very much intrigued by the Labor Party and sent some of its literature to South Africa," our source said. "The relationship was broken off as a result of orders from South Africa, not as a decision here in the States."

Several defectors from the USLP also expressed doubts about the official version. "If there wasn't any serious connection, then the party leadership was running a con on us," said one defector. "We were definitely told that certain reports had been prepared for the South African government. When the Mulder scandal surfaced, I was very surprised the U.S. Labor Party's name wasn't on the list."

This source recalled in particular a report on British and American intelligence networks in Africa which allegedly was delivered to the South African consulate in New York in anticipation that it would be sent to Pretoria. Our Town has been unable to obtain a copy of this report, although it is cited in other USLP reports.

Our Town did succeed in obtaining a second report, "The Conspiracy to Destroy the Republic of South Africa," which was written in the second half of 1977. It includes profiles of anti-apartheid groups in the U.S., which it describes as "front groups" for international Jewish bankers.

A former member of the USLP intelligence staff recalled how the report was prepared: “Our people called these groups up, posing as freelance writers, and pumped them to find out who they were working with, what coalitions they belonged to, who else was in these coalitions, what their plans were."

The USLP's single most aggressive effort to ingratiate itself with the South Africans was the staging of a Conference on the Industrial Development of Southern Africa in Washington D.C. on May 2, 1978. The event was ostensibly sponsored by the Fusion Energy Foundation, a front group which lists its address on IRS tax forms as 304 W. 58 St., also the address of the USLP. Its executive director is Dr. Morris Levitt, a member of the USLP national committee. USLP domination of the FEF conference was amply revealed by the makeup of the conference panels: of 13 speakers, five were party members including two members of the party's highest unit, the national executive committee.

The basic thrust of the conference was fully in line with the top priorities of the South African government's propaganda efforts: to help the apartheid regime avoid economic and diplomatic isolation and to head off "disinvestment" campaigns in the United States. The USLP, holding its conference at a time of strong activity by anti-apartheid groups on college campuses around the country, marshaled its arguments in favor of new loans and new investments for South Africa by the U.S. and other allies.

The publicity for the conference included typical examples of USLP's now-you-see-it-now-you-don't propaganda style. For instance, the conference brochure termed the apartheid system "hideous." But the letters of invitation merely called for "a positive outlook for eventual abolition of the inefficient and unproductive apartheid structure--an event which will only occur as part of the general expansion and uplifting of the entire South African population, black and white, to the level at which that nation can no longer exclude its black majority from equal participation in society." (Italics ours--ed.)

The letter also stated that the conference would stress the importance of "preserving...South Africa's white population as the major contributors to regional development." And: "The central idea will involve the cooperation...between South Africa and the neighboring states...with South Africa itself serving as the leading center for regional capital formation." (Italics ours--ed.)

The most notable expert at the conference was Dr. William van Rensburg, geology professor from the University of Texas, whose remarks are printed in the conference proceedings.

Van Rensburg, a South African citizen, was described in the proceedings as a former Technical Director of the South African Minerals Bureau and as the senior author of South Africa's Strategic Minerals: Pieces on a Continental Chessboard.

Van Rensburg told Our Town that his invitation to the FEF Conference had come "out of the blue" and that he didn't know anything about the USLP.

But the USLP may have had a very good reason for inviting him. Van Rensburg's views are highly regarded by the Bureau of State Security for their propaganda value.

According to a Dutch interview with former South African Information Secretary Eschel Rhoodie last August, the Van Rensburg book named above was "written for a symposium on South Africa organized by the Foreign Affairs Association in Germany with assistance of the public relations organization Hennenhoffer."

The Foreign Affairs Association was a front organization for the South African Information Department and Hennenhoffer was in the employ of Rhoodie, according to the interview transcript. And Rhoodie used money from the secret fund to send copies of the resulting book to various universities in Western countries. The book has also been distributed at business seminars organized in the U.S. by the South African government.

"Van Rensburg has never been aware of having written a book for a South African front organization," Rhoodie told the Dutch interviewer. Yet at the FEF Conference in Washington Van Rensburg closely adhered to the line of the South African government: The West needs a strong South Africa because of its strategic minerals and the importance of the Cape Route for oil tankers, therefore economic sanctions against South Africa are dangerous to the security of the Free World. As to the problem of apartheid, Van Rensburg told the conference: "While one may argue about the morality of the system of migrant workers on the South African is not always appreciated [that] the mines provide these workers with certain basic skills and offer them, in some instances, their first contact with western civilization."

According to one former USLP member the "conference on South Africa was the most successful event of this type we ever held. We were trying to get across to the South African government the message that 'you need us.'"

This source recalled "a fairly good turnout from the diplomatic community, although not many corporations. Several Black African nations sent observers, as did the Soviet Union and the French. The South African Embassy sent two observers."

One hint that the South Africans appreciated such help is contained in the Aug. 11, 1978 issue of To the Point International, a major pro-apartheid news magazine with editorial offices in Johannesburg. A full-page article by managing editor Stephen Orpen pays tribute to USLP leader Lyndon LaRouche as an economic theoretician. The article begins with a quote from LaRouche, then describes him (with no hint of irony whatsoever) as the "first announced candidate for the 1980 U.S. Presidential elections and author of the 'International Development Bank Proposals,' on which outlines for the recent Bremen and Bonn economic summits in Europe were modeled." The article goes on to describe LaRouche's "access to the thinking and plans of trans-Atlantic policymakers at the highest level," which the article says "gives his observations...a certain authority....His semantics may be off-target but his message runs true...." The article then summarizes LaRouche's "message" as if it were a legitimate viewpoint on the world economy.

Responsible economic journalists tell us that the statements regarding LaRouche's influence are totally false. Why then would a highly sophisticated news magazine create such a fable?

The South African government may have the answer to this question. Last April, the Erasmus Commission verified that To the Point International had been one of the Department of Information's secret operations. In May, South African Foreign Minister Pik Botha revealed that the financing had been handled personally by Eschel Rhoodie and by General Hendrik van den Bergh, chief of BOSS during the period in question.


Ninth of a series


In order to build its National Anti-Drug Coalition, the ultra-rightist United States Labor Party (USLP) has approached Black organizations and Black political and religious leaders throughout the U.S., describing itself as an organization committed to fighting against the effects of racism in our nation's life.

An Our Town investigation has revealed, however, that USLP leaders withheld from their Black contacts and friends any knowledge whatsoever of the party's efforts (see Our Town, Nov. 4) to ally itself with the segregationist government of the Republic of South Africa.

Our Town spoke with Dr. William V. Banks, supreme president of the International Free and Accepted Modern Masons, a Black Masonic organization claiming a membership of 350,000.

Dr. Banks, who has endorsed USLP leader Lyndon Hermyle LaRouche, Jr. for President of the United States in 1980, said that party members never mentioned to him their contacts with the South African government.

"This is the first I've heard about it," Banks said. "They told me only that they were against apartheid and that they wanted to cooperate with the groups fighting against it, the revolutionary groups."

We asked Banks if he would continue to support LaRouche for president if presented with convincing evidence of USLP support for the South African white minority regime. "Definitely not," he said.(Note: The International Masons are currently the USLP's most important ally. Not only have they provided endorsements and a cover of credibility for LaRouche's presidential campaign and for the party's National Anti-Drug Coalition, but they have also provided an important media outlet. Dr. Banks is the president of WGPR Radio and Television in Detroit, a media complex owned by the International Masons and providing low-cost advertising to bring Lyndon LaRouche's message into hundreds of thousands of homes in the greater Detroit area.)

Our Town next spoke with Hasan Sharif, public relations secretary for Imam Wallace Deen Muhammed, leader of the World Community of Al-Islam in the West (formerly the Black Muslims). The Muslim organization has given qualified support to the USLP's Anti-Drug Coalition, although it also has raised sharp public criticisms of the USLP ideology and of LaRouche's presidential campaign.

"There was definitely never any mention of support for the South African government," said Sharif. "We would never endorse anything like that. You're telling me about it for the first time."

Sharif also spoke of a "strong awareness" within the organization's Council of Imams that the USLP "is a group that picks sensitive issues and uses them to infiltrate other groups."

Defectors from the USLP confirmed the statements of Banks and Sharif. "The withholding of information from the party's Black allies was conscious and deliberate," said our defector. "It's a standard tactic for LaRouche--just like withholding from his own rank and file the real facts about his rightwing connections."

Our Town searched through USLP literature printed since the fall of 1978, when the party's alliance with Blacks in the Anti-Drug Coalition first became important. Favorable mention of the South African government and open calls for American investment in South Africa have apparently been purged since then from any printed matter likely to be read in Black communities (the biweekly New Solidarity, leaflets, Anti-Drug Coalition materials).

Prior to the launching of the Anti-Drug Coalition, the USLP was not so cautious. In August 1978 (only one month after LaRouche's personal meeting with Wallace Muhammed in Chicago to explore the possibility of joint action), New Solidarity bragged about the favorable coverage of LaRouche in To the Point International, a pro-apartheid South African magazine which was later exposed as a propaganda arm of the SA Bureau of State Security.

Although such indiscretions are no longer found in mass circulation USLP publications, the party continues to promote the cause of the South African white regime via Executive Intelligence Review, a weekly magazine sold to businessmen for $400 per year.

The issue of USLP deception of Blacks is complicated by the fact that much of the party's previous pro-South Africa propaganda was disguised under the veneer of anti-apartheid rhetoric. For instance, the pamphlet "Peace Through Development in Southern Africa,” published in the spring of 1978 in preparation for the party's Conference on the Industrial Development of Southern Africa, argued for the disbanding of the apartheid system (although it also called for massive low-interest U.S. loans to the regime which practices apartheid).

Our Town has obtained several confidential USLP internal documents and intelligence reports on South Africa which were produced by the party's security and intelligence staffs in 1977-78. These documents, which party defectors say were never circulated to the party rank and file much less to the general public, give an entirely different picture of the party's atitude to the race question in South Africa.

We cite "The British in Southern Africa: Preliminary Report," an internal document prepared by Douglas DeGroot of the party's Africa intelligence sector and dated Nov. 23, 1977.

DeGroot criticizes the "British" and the "Fabians" (both notorious USLP code words for international Jewry) for allegedly inspiring white critics of apartheid in South Africa and elsewhere to pressure the Afrikaners (the white South Africans of Dutch descent who currently rule the country) to treat the country's blacks as equal human beings. DeGroot describes South Africa’s pre-colonial Black population as "hopelessly primitive" and criticizes with scorn the "missionary, pro-savage" sentiments of liberal whites, whom he likens to the 18th century followers of Jean Jacques Rousseau (author of the Noble Savage idea).

Within this context, DeGroot waxes indignant over liberal criticisms of the Afrikaners (or "Boers"):

Any refusal by [these] settlers to compromise with fabian Rousseauvian initiatives were branded as racism on the part of the settlers, which would then be complemented by an entire chorus of liberal anti-racist institutions singing their lines on cue, convincing the more mushy elements in the advanced sector that "racism" is in fact a problem. The gut reaction against the fabian racists by the settlers...didn't amount to much more than that: a healthy but not very insightful reaction. They know they are being asked to compromise with what they recognize as an inferior culture, and react negatively. What they don't understand or are unable to organize politically, is that conditions can be created whereby a process is instituted that will transform inferior cultures into human ones.

The implication, of course, is that the Blacks in South Africa are not yet human beings--which is precisely the rationale used by the Afrikaners to justify apartheid.

DeGroot then proceeds to express his profound regrets that the Afrikaners should even be faced with the need to turn Blacks into human beings. He asserts that South Africa would be better off today if, in the 19th century, it had fallen under the domination of the Germans rather than the "British." He believes that such a development would have led to the "natives" being treated like the Indians on the American frontier; i.e., being largely wiped out by the advance of "civilized" settlers. (According to DeGroot, the "British" deliberately stifled white immigration in order to protect the Black tribal regions.)

DeGroot does not use the terms "extermination" or "final solution," but he refers to an "American solution" which in context means the same thing. We quote the full passage so that the USLP's current allies among American Blacks can decide the meaning for themselves:

Given the aversive atmosphere set up between the [Boers and the natives] by the British due to the British setting up and backing various of the native potentates, this [the race question] was a tough question to handle. The Africans seem to have been more advanced on the whole than the American Indians, for example, since the Africans did get involved in providing labor for the settlers on a wider scale than happened in America.

The passage continues: "If the Krupp-German project had succeeded, the native question could very well have worked itself out....The monetarist decision [Editor: He means the Jewish bankers' alleged decision] to deliberately limit the number of settlers from Europe to a very small group, plus their entrenched networks among the native population thanks to the missionaries, et al, made the American solution to the native question impossible."

Such an idea is hardly appropriate for public dissemination, so when DeGroot got up to speak at the Conference on Industrial Development of Southern Africa before a crowd which included Black African diplomats, he gave a quite different version of the settlement question: "If the blacks had been allowed to freely associate...with the European settlers and what they were trying to do at the time, the blacks would have very rapidly acquired [modern] skill levels...."

The tactic of speaking out of both sides of the mouth is also seen in USLP's anti-Semitic agitation directed at American Blacks and South African whites.

Example One: Last Aug. 25, shortly after the resignation of U.N. Ambassador Andrew Young, the USLP decided to cash in on Black feelings of resentment toward the Jewish community. LaRouche issued a presidential campaign statement entitled "USLP to Black Leaders: We'll Destroy the Zionists Politically." He described America's Jews as "the evil men who are poisoning the youth of the ghettoes and the cities" (a reference to the USLP theory that Jews control the heroin traffic). He also referred to the "slave trader mentality of the Zionists" and announced "we [Blacks and the USLP] are poised to destroy this enemy politically if we collaborate."
Example Two: In a secret "intelligence report," which USLP defectors claim was prepared by the party's security staff for the South African government in the fall of 1977, the party attempted to play upon Afrikaner resentment of Jewish and liberal criticisms of apartheid. According to this report ("The Conspiracy to Destroy the Republic of South Africa"), the Afrikaners are being victimized by an "antiprogress conspiracy" of Jewish investment houses such as Loeb Rhoades, Lazard Bros., Lehman Bros., Kuhn Loeb, and Goldman Sachs, led by Baron Guy de Rothschild. The report alleges that the Jewish financiers are responsible for setting up the Black Power movement in South Africa, developing anti-apartheid groups in Britain and the United States, and provoking the Soweto riots and other examples of black "terrorism." (Another USLP document claims that the Jewish bankers brainwashed a group of Blacks into cannibalizing a white nun.) The “Conspiracy" report also charges the Jewish financiers with contriving government scandals in South Africa to effect the "weakening of U.S. 'official government' collaboration with the [South African] government."
In other words: USLP literature directed at American Blacks attacks Jews as racists, while USLP literature directed at South African whites attacks the same Jews as anti-racist supporters of Black liberation. One of the USLP defectors summed the situation up: "The party leadership doesn't really care about the problems of Black people in the United States--nor does it have any real sympathy for the Afrikaners. It just wants to manipulate both groups into supporting its international crusade against the Jews."

According to defectors, the USLP campaign to woo the South Africans was triggered by a series of articles which appeared in June 1977 in The Citizen, a Johannesburg daily subsidized by the South African government. The articles, based on information from Birch Society sources in the U.S., detailed an alleged "secret war" waged by the U.S. against South Africa. They were filled with the type of conspiracy theories in which the USLP had long delighted: the Bilderbergers, the CIA, the Trilateral Commission, the Council on Foreign Relations, the liberal foundations, the Royal Institute for International Affairs...all conspiring against the beleaguered Boers.

USLP leaders began to speculate that, just perhaps, there might be a "humanist" faction amongst the rulers of South Africa which would be susceptible to the USLP program (or at least could produce some money for the party coffers by purchasing "intelligence reports"). The party leaders also noted, of course, the eclecticism of The Citizen articles and figured the South Africans could use a little ideological upgrading.

A search through South African newspapers and magazines turned up an appropriate faction amongst the Afrikaners: a group of economic growth-oriented industrialists and politicians whom the USLP could envision as being locked in a life-and-death struggle (like the USLP itself) against Jewish financiers such as Harry Oppenheimer of the Anglo-American Mining Corporation.

USLP termed this group the "Pretoria humanists," but for the Our Town reader to understand what the USLP was really talking about--and the "signals" it was really sending out--it is first necessary to know a little about the structure of South African politics.

The republic is ruled as a partial dictatorship over English-speaking whites (as well as a total dictatorship over the nonwhite population) by the Afrikaners, who speak a bastardized form of Dutch. The Afrikaners rule through the Nationalist Party, but this party is in turn controlled by the Broederbond, a secret society of 12,000 leading Afrikaners who operate in a quasi-totalitarian manner. The Broederbond is not only dedicated to maintaining Afrikaner political power but also to gradually dislodging the English-speaking (including Jewish) whites from the dominant role in the nation's economy.

Like the USLP, the Broederbond (aka Bond) has a history of anti-Semitism. It has always been strongly pro-German, and during World War Two it opposed the South African government's support for the Allies. Some of its leading members established a Nazi organization, the infamous Ossewa Brandwag. After the war, the Bond came to power via a Nationalist Party electoral victory over General Smuts, the anti-fascist prime minister whom the Bond detested for allegedly selling out to the British. The Bond then proceeded to reorganize South African society in accord with its racist theory of apartheid (or separate development). It has ruled the nation ever since. (Our Town readers who want more details should read The Broederbond by Ivor Wilkins and Hans Strydom, a 450-page expose published this year by Paddington Press.)

The USLP, in its internal documents on South Africa, rarely if ever mentions the Broederbond. But in fact the "discovery" of the Pretoria humanists was really a discovery of the Broederbond, and the subsequent attempt to link up with the Pretoria humanists was really an attempt to ally with the Broederbond.

"There is in SA a network of actual humanists," wrote the USLP's David Cherry. "It is led by former foreign minister Hilgard former Minister of Finance Nico Diederichs...and in the younger generation by Anton Rupert...."

The USLP claims that these three South Africans possess a special enlightened attitude; but all three are leading Broederbond members (see Wilkins and Strydom) and hence must be regarded as loyal upholders of the apartheid system.

Of the three, Diederichs (who has since died) was the most prestigious--one of the grand old men of the Nationalist Party. Let us examine his record as a "humanist":

1. In the early 1930s, the Bond was fascinated by Hitler and sent a few selected Afrikaners to Germany to "study methods employed in the education of the nation's youth." Dr. Nico Diederichs was one who went across to study and report, and qualified as a Quisling in the Nazi's Anti-Komintern training school." (Wilkins and Strydom, p. 76.)

2. In 1934, just returned from Germany, Diederichs was one of the founders of the pro-Nazi Afrikaanse Nasionale Studentebonde in South Africa. (W&S, p. 256.)

3. In 1936, Diederichs published his book on Afrikaner nationalism which served as the theoretical foundation for apartheid. (W&S, p. 196.)

4. From 1938 to 1942, Diederichs was the chairman of the Broederbond. During this period, the Bond favored a Nazi victory, worked closely with the Ossewa Brandwag stormtroopers, maintained secret radio transmitters to send military secrets to the Nazis, and in general functioned as a Fifth Column within South Africa. (W&S, pp. 48, 79.)

5. In 1948, Diederichs was a founder of the South African Bureau for Racial Affairs (SABRA), a Broederbond propaganda organ dedicated to the defense of apartheid. (W&S, p. 272.)

6. In later years through the 1970s, Diederichs served as Minister of Finance and then State President of the apartheid republic. (W&S, p. 425.)

In one of the USLP internal documents, intelligence staffer David Cherry describes an attempt to communicate with this great humanist. Cherry says that he sent Diederichs a copy of Lyndon LaRouche's proposal for an International Development Bank, and that Diederichs sent back a "personal note of thanks." To date, this is the only instance of communication between the USLP and a Broederbond leader that Our Town has been able to uncover. Perhaps the USLP's Black allies should ask LaRouche: How many more documents were sent? To whom? And were replies of a more significant nature received?

The Pretoria humanist who fascinated USLP the most, however, was not Diederichs, but Anton Rupert: the Afrikaner tobacco tycoon who has become a hero to many Afrikaners as a result of his successes in the international economic arena. The USLP decided, based on a study of Rupert's speeches and writings, that he was not just an "actual humanist" but a "conscious humanist." They even claimed to discover traces of LaRouche-style epistemology in his business pep talks.

The USLP especially admired Rupert for his creation of the EDESA bank in 1973 with the cooperation of West German financiers such as the late Juergen Ponto, in order to channel European investment into South Africa and South African investment into Black Africa. In fact, the USLP Conference on the Industrial Development of Southern Africa was an attempt to popularize and further develop this scheme.

In addition, the USLP cadre speculated that their hero might have a glamorous connection to the Bureau of State Security, to which the party aspired to sell its intelligence services. Noting that Rupert's business empire operates in 140 countries, David Cherry asked "whether Rupert is in so many countries to sell tobacco or to operate intelligence/influence channels."

Although not a political figure like Diederichs or Muller, Rupert's entire career has been closely linked to the Broederbond. He began his Rembrandt tobacco company with the help of the Volkskas, the Bond's bank, which in the early days allowed Rembrandt overdrafts of over one million pounds. In the 1950s, board chairmen of Rembrandt included Diederichs and also Ivan Lombard, former general secretary of the Bond; while a Rembrandt executive during that period, Dr. Piet Meyer, became chairman of the Bond in the 1960s.

Thus, with the true nature of the Pretoria humanists uncovered, it becomes possible to understand the bizarre documents which the USLP concocted to appeal to them. These documents, with their hysterical attacks on the British, on the late General Smuts, and on the Oppenheimer mining interests, are nothing but the traditional Broederbond quasi-Nazi line, with a few special LaRouchian twists. Of course, the hoped-for alliance never materialized (see Our Town, Nov. 4), but the LaRouche group wasn't completely crazy for trying. The Broederbond and the USLP have in some respects a very similar theory of rule by an elite. The USLP calls itself a "Platonic elite" and in fact Bond leaders in the past have used similar language. For instance, in a parliamentary debate at the end of World War Two, a Bond spokesman compared his group to Plato's "Guardians of the State."

For the benefit of LaRouche's misguided Black and Jewish allies, we present a summary of the historical analysis prepared by the USLP to glorify the Pretoria humanists: Since the 19th century, South African history has been determined by the struggle between the humanists (the Boers and their German allies) and the monetarist looters (the British, fronting for the Jewish bankers). The great tragedy in South Africa's development was when the Germans lost out to the British in the 1890s for economic control of South Africa--because the Germans would have brought in more white settlers (with no nonsense about tribal rights) and would have industrialized the country thoroughly, whereas the "Brits" and their Jewish masters have only engaged in monetarist policies (i.e., usury).

The horrors of apartheid are not the moral responsibility of the Boers, the USLP says, since the latter were merely brainwashed and manipulated into their racist mentality by the Jewish bankers. These same Jews, such as Harry Oppenheimer, now talk of gradually disbanding apartheid but their schemes are in fact only a new maneuver for destroying both the Boers and the Blacks. They want to manipulate a race war today, just as they manipulated the Boers into World War II against the true friend of the Boers, Germany.

In the ongoing struggle--which one USLP document describes as being the most intense struggle between Jews and "humanists" anywhere in the world today--the USLP believes Anton Rupert has played a key role via his Rembrandt group's efforts to weaken the economic position of the Oppenheimers and other Jewish interests (and also to strengthen ties with the West Germans). He is also praised in one report for allegedly maintaining the ethnic (non-Jewish) purity of his boards of directors:

Rupert's boards are heavily, almost exclusively, Afrikaner, and people with connections to the City of London and Wall Street are entirely absent...the members of the boards are not involved in...fields known for their speculative content.

In addition, Rupert is hailed for his alleged understanding that apartheid cannot and should not be abolished at the present time. On this last point, the USLP summarizes approvingly what it believes to be the strategic thinking of Rupert’s humanist network:

The British may have used...the Africans against us as a political battering ram. But we will not submit. Even if many lives are lost because we are unable to eliminate apartheid on our terms, we will not submit. We must hold out until there is a correlation of forces in the world favorable to our humanist cause. If we dismantle apartheid before then, it means the Africans are just British pawns, and we humanists will be wiped out.

The above quote may or may not reflect the private opinions of Mr. Rupert (to the USLP he is as much a symbol as a real person), but it does reveal the essence of USLP politics: Translated from the LaRouchian code language it actually says that the abolition of apartheid must wait for the advent of "humanist" (neo-Nazi) revolutions to overthrow the power of the Jews in Europe and the United States. Only then can "civilization" move forward in South Africa.

Until this millennium, what kind of society does the USLP suggest to the Pretoria humanists? The picture we get is something quite similar to Nazi Germany: a nation tightly controlled by Boer industrialists and with Jewish business interests purged (the USLP calls it "bankrupting out the monetarist firms"), a nation which preserves the racial purity of its leadership, a nation which dominates its neighbors in alliance with the West Germans, a nation which bases itself on "parastatal" forms of industry similar to those in Hitler’s Germany and Mussolini's Italy.

The picture also includes (in spite of the USLP's public protestations against apartheid), a proposed expansion of the contract labor system so important to the apartheid regime. One of the reports calls, for instance, for "massive immigration of regional labor to SA for periods of education and improvement in basic industrial-agricultural skills." (Note the emphasis on temporary residence, not real immigration.)

Finally, the USLP proposals hint very strongly at the need for military conquest and the creation of puppet regimes in the Black African "front line" states. In the contract labor report, such a hint is contained in a suggestion for the creation of massive new industrial port facilities at Lourenco Marques, the capital of the People's Republic of Mozambique, not just as an investment but for geopolitical reasons. We quote:

The choice of Lourenco Marques must be understood for what it represents politically, both in forcing the labor power policy in the appropriate direction and in creating a geometry in which terrorist networks--particularly of the Soweto riots, People's African Congress, The World variety that operate out of Swaziland--can be mopped up, and not just as a cute racial gesture of detente. [Italics ours--ed.]

The implications should be clear (especially if one notes the location of Swaziland on a map). Mozambique, an anti-colonial state, would hardly agree to help crush the Black liberation groups operating from a neighboring Black country. Nor would it be likely to agree to "forcing" its own people in the "appropriate direction" of contract labor camps. Hence, the only way such a policy could be carried out is through a South African invasion of Mozambique.

Suddenly, all of the USLP maps showing mineral resources, railroads, and, future energy grids throughout the Southern African region begin to make sense. The entire bizarre Nazi fantasy stands revealed. The USLP has not just taken up the plans of Juergen Ponto and other German bankers for a German-South African economic domination of the region. It has also resurrected the Nazi theory of geopolitics which was the rationale for Hitler's invasion of Eastern Europe, and has applied that theory to Africans rather than Poles and Russians.

Zambia, Botswana, Angola, Malawi, Mozambique, Tanzania: all would become South African satellite states under this scheme--a belt of nations economically dependent on, serving, and controlled by South Africa. Indeed, USLP's David Cherry carries the theory to a bizarre extreme: "In four or five years, raw totally unskilled and virtually illiterate labor [could] be expected to flow directly from the bush (from Zaire, etc.) to South Africa, in the hundreds and then in the thousands," eventually including "migrations involving whole tribes."

This would be contract labor for new factories (arms factories?) in the Johannesburg area. Forced redirection of labor power. Good for the Boers. But with one urgent problem: the Boers would have to learn how to "squeeze skilled and semiskilled industrial labor for industrial expansion out of the apartheid grid rather rapidly...."

Yet if the USLP theorists in their offices in New York City dream of a humanist Fourth Reich in South Africa (to parallel a LaRouche humanist presidency in the U.S.), one should be fair to the present rulers of South Africa and admit that the latter are somewhat less fascistic than their would-be mentors.

"I attended the U.S. Labor Party conference in Washington," said a white South African who supports the Afrikaner regime. "I think they're a bunch of dangerous crackpots--besides, their maps were all wrong."

SIDEBAR: The USLP and John McGoff

Our Town has investigated the allegation of USLP defectors that the party had formed a close link in 1977-78 with ultraconservative Michigan publisher John P. McGoff, a major figure in South Africa's "Mulder scandal."

According to the South African opposition press and former South African Information Secretary Eschel Rhoody, McGoff was provided with $11.5 million in 1974 from the South African government's "secret fund" in order to buy the Washington Star and other U.S. media outlets and transform them into pro-South Africa propaganda organs.

These charges are currently under investigation here in the U.S. by the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Justice Department's Foreign Agents Registration Unit, and a Federal grand jury. McGoff denies the charges, but has refused to turn his financial records over to the SEC investigators.

McGoff is a personal friend and business associate of former South African Information Minister Connie Mulder, the central figure in the influence-buying scandal. McGoff is also one of the most outspoken friends of South Africa in this country, although critical of its apartheid policies.

Our Town has been unable so far to reach McGoff to ask him directly about the USLP connection. However, researcher Kalev Pehme did succeed in getting some answers from Jim Whelan, a McGoff spokesman and vice president for editorial services of McGoff's Panax Corporation, a chain of about 30 U.S. newspapers.

Whelan recalled that when he first came to work at Panax in 1977, the USLP "bombarded" him with phone calls and literature. He said they would use McGoff's name to get through to him. While still new on the job, he would carefully check back with McGoff and then humor the USLP callers. But as he became more confident in his position, he decided to stop answering their calls, figuring they were just "bluster."

How did the USLP succeed in getting in with Panax, even temporarily? Whelan recalled they were "very seductive" and that for a brief period in 1977 the USLP had an "allure" for conservatives in general. He also said the USLP "may have been given" a contribution by McGoff during this period as a result of sheer persistence.

Whelan added that the USLP tried calling other Panax executives--unsuccessfully--after he stopped answering their calls, and that there is currently no communication between Panax and the USLP.

Is this the whole story? Our Town has obtained a draft copy of one portion of a report prepared by the USLP security staff in early 1978 regarding the National News Council, the "ethics committee" of the newspaper industry. USLP defectors say they were told by party leaders that the report had been prepared for Panax and that the USLP had been paid in advance at least $1,000, with several thousand dollars more due on completion.

Such a report could have been of interest to Panax. Several months previously, the publishing chain had been involved in an altercation with the NNC over McGoff's firing of two editors in Michigan who refused to print an allegedly scurrilous article about sex in the Carter White House. The NNC had passed a resolution critical of the firings, and Panax had taken a full-page ad in Editor and Publisher to answer the NNC.

The portion of the USLP report in Our Town's possession includes an interview with NNC aide Charles Alexander (we verified with Alexander that the interview was authentic) and biographical data on NNC members. It asserts that the decision in the McGoff case was part of a pattern of NNC decisions "aimed at undermining opponents of the British system." (In USLP semantics, "British" frequently means "Jewish.")

Whelan admitted that Panax had received the report, but claimed the company had never solicited, ordered or requested it. He denied that any money had been paid out and termed the allegation "garbage." In his recollection, the NNC report was only one of many unsolicited documents the USLP had thrust upon Panax.

Whelan recalled the NNC report as "long on rhetoric and of no particular value to us." Panax is not interested, he said, in getting involved in a "war of personalities" with the NNC.

Our Town's sources among the USLP defectors admit they never saw a check from Panax, and that on other occasions the USLP leadership had given out deceptive information about the destination of various intelligence reports. But one defector remembered that the "security staff was absolutely hysterical about getting the National News Council report done on time--they definitely behaved as if they had a deadline to meet for someone. They don't behave that way when it's an in-house job."




The neo-Nazi U.S. Labor Party, in its most alarming political breakthrough to date, has linked up with powerful officials of the 2.3 million member International Brotherhood of Teamsters.

"Corrupt union leaders are working with the Labor Party on every level: in the locals, the joint councils, the conferences, and even occasionally at the top in Washington," said Ken Paff, national organizer of Teamsters for a Democratic Union (TDU), a rank and file dissident outfit which recently merged with the Professional Drivers Council (PROD), the other major Teamster reform group.

Paff charged that USLP members, most of them not members of the union, have been used to infiltrate meetings of the dissidents, intimidate members via smear campaigns, and "in general carry out the union leadership's dirty work."

A three-week investigation by Our Town found ample proof of Paff's charges, and also of an estimate by Bob Windrem, former research director of PROD, that the USLP had been "an effective weapon" in some instances to stifle rank and file dissent.

In addition, Our Town uncovered a pattern of Teamster support, both open and covert, for its strange ally. Union officials have purchased thousands of copies of USLP pamphlets for distribution to union members, made contributions to the party coffers, invited party members to speak at union rallies, endorsed party members for public office, and provided support for party front groups such as the Michigan Anti-Drug Coalition.

USLP political ideas relating specifically to union problems have apparently made headway among some elements in the Teamster leadership. As the president of one Illinois local reportedly said last March, in introducing a party speaker to a gathering of shop stewards: "They [the USLP] are the best educated people in the country...they have the facts." The "facts" in question, largely a collection of bizarre allegations about an alleged conspiracy of liberal "Wall Street" foundations to channel funds into Teamster dissident groups, have even cropped up in speeches by Teamster international president Frank Fitzsimmons.

Strangest of all, one of Fitzsimmons' top muscle men in the Central Conference, Rolland McMaster (a prominent target of Dan Moldea's recent muckraking book, The Hoffa Wars) became so excited by USLP chairman Lyndon H. LaRouche's rhetoric at a party rally last May, that he endorsed LaRouche on the spot for President of the United States. (Later, embarrassed by tens of thousands of USLP leaflets to the Teamster rank and file heralding McMaster’s act of indiscretion, Fitzsimmons made a public statement disassociating all "officials and employees" of the IBT from the LaRouche campaign.)

According to one Teamster dissident, Fitzsimmons's statement is only the latest example of a "political peekaboo game" the union and the USLP have been playing for more than two years. "You hear about a business agent passing out Labor Party literature--you even have witnesses who saw him do it--but when you ask him, he denies it," the dissident said.

TDU's Ken Paff stated, "It's an old tactic. The union leaders don't want to look bad, so they get outsiders to come in and conduct their smear campaigns for them, calling us communists, drug pushers, homosexuals, you name it, Then, when the people who are being smeared complain, the union leaders simply disclaim any responsibility."

The USLP's relationship with the Teamsters first blossomed in the summer of 1977, shortly after the union began what Teamster vice president and propaganda chief Jackie Presser termed a propaganda "counterattack" against the union leadership's "enemies" in the media and in law enforcement agencies. Presser, whose six overlapping Teamster salaries paid him $192,629 in 1976, explained the new policy to members of his Ohio Conference in the April-May 1977 Ohio Teamster. Presser’s argument sounded remarkably similar to conspiracy theories the USLP had previously advanced to explain the mid-1970's upsurge in rank-and-file protest within the United Mine Workers, the Steel Workers Union, and the Teamsters.

"For years we have ignored our enemies," Presser wrote. "We now find that we must counterattack because it is becoming increasingly clear that these attacks...are part of a cleverly orchestrated campaign....We can only assume that it must be those radical forces who seek to destroy democracy and responsible capitalism. We are beginning to see curious alliances among those who attack the IBT. Alliances between self-proclaimed social reformers and self-confessed socialists and powerful money interests including tax protected foundations. Recall if you will that it was foundations that were revealed as frequent conduits for 'dirty money' from the CIA...."

The USLP hailed Presser's statement in its biweekly newspaper, New Solidarity, and began intensive "mobilizations" to sell this paper and pass out handbills to Teamsters at highway off ramps, truck stops, and city intersections around the nation. The USLP literature focused especially on attempts to smear TDU and PROD. According to the TDU newsletter Convoy, the party's agitators advised truckers to "call up Jackie Presser" and even offered his phone number.

Bob Windrem of PROD described to Our Town this sudden intrusion into Teamster politics. "They were everywhere--bam!--in the summer of 1977. Their propaganda was very, very effective. They mimicked our [PROD's] style of using specific documentation, only their facts were usually wrong. But some guys believed them. We had panic calls from a lot of our supporters wanting to know how to counter them."

The USLP's effectiveness resulted from a carefully written 32-page pamphlet, The Plot to Destroy the Teamsters, in which the party attempted to prove Presser's charges of a conspiracy led by the Eastern establishment. Woven into the pamphlet were stock USLP villains such as the Wall Street banks, the liberal foundations, Nelson Rockefeller, the Institute for Policy Studies. Although "Zionism" was not mentioned (the party had not yet come out in the open with its anti-Semitism), the pamphlet did make references to the "monetarists" and to Rockefeller's "British" allies.

The heart of the pamphlet, however, was its "counterattack" against PROD and TDU, which were beginning to gather strength among the rank and file in many Iocals. The pamphlet pointed out that the two reform groups had received small grants from liberal foundations, puffing this up into "proof" that PROD and TDU were controlled by the employers. In addition, the pamphlet noted that one official of PROD had also worked for Ralph Nader, the consumer advocate, who is unpopular among Teamsters for his advocacy of deregulation of the trucking industry. Finally, the pamphlet pointed out that a few leaders of TDU, the more radical of the two reform groups, were members of the International Socialists, a small Marxist group.

"The charges contained just enough truth to make people suspicious of us," said one PROD member. "But it was basically a smear job. They took isolated facts and blew them out of proportion."

This source also cited the "guilt by association" tactic: "When they mentioned one guy had worked for Ralph Nader, they failed to add that PROD had strongly and publicly opposed Nader on the deregulation issue."

If the pamphlet was quick to attack union reformers on bogus points, it was curiously silent on the well-documented conspiracy of union leaders and organized crime figures to siphon hundreds of millions of dollars from the Teamster pension funds into Mafia-controlled ventures. And the Teamster chieftains therefore soon recognized the pamphlet's value as a diversionary counterattack. By late October, New Solidarity was able to boast that 46,000 copies of the one-dollar report had been sold, in large part through "bulk, wholesale purchases" by Teamster locals. The newspaper even printed a map claiming to show about 10,000 of the most recent bulk purchases by 20 locals in 12 states.

New Solidarity is notorious for its exaggerations, but in this case--according to activists in PROD and TDU and also defectors from the USLP--there can be little doubt that union officials did purchase several thousand copies of The Plot to Destroy the Teamsters.

"We got reports from many locals that the business agents, were passing it out," TDU's Paff said.

Paff gave Our Town a copy of a letter on the stationery of Local 126 (Fond du Lac, Wisconsin) urging members to read their enclosed copies of the USLP pamphlet, "because it ha some very interesting information." The letter is dated October 31, 1977 and is signed by Donald F. Wetzel, secretary-treasurer of the local.

TDU leaders also say the pamphlet was sent out by Michael Ellison, secretary treasurer of Local 941 (El Paso, Texas), using union mailing labels, the union postage meter, and the union return address.

According to the October 25, 1977 New Solidarity, three thousand copies of the pamphlet were purchased by Walt Angelo, owner of the United Trucking Schools of Northern California and a close pal of Jim Muniz, the leader of Teamster Local 70 in Oakland. The order included a special insert attacking TDU dissidents who were running against Muniz and Co. in the Local 70 election that fall. Large numbers of the pamphlets were passed out prior to the election, smearing the dissidents as dope pushers, terrorists, FBI agents, etc.

The TDU-backed slate lost the election, but then filed charges of election irregularity with the U.S. Labor Department. One of their arguments was that the distribution of the USLP pamphlet by Angelo constituted employer interference in the election. The Labor Department investigated the charges, which were widely reported in the Bay area press, then initiated a civil suit to overturn the election. In August 1979, the dissidents were vindicated when a federal district court judge ordered a new election.

In September 1977, an article giving a sympathetic summary of the USLP pamphlet appeared on page 3 of Teamster News, the organ of Joint Council 73 in Union City, N.J. The chief of Joint Council 73 is Sammy Provenzano, brother of convicted mobster Tony Provenzano. The article mentioned the National Caucus of Labor Committees (parent organization of the USLP) as the source of the pamphlet, but failed to notify New Jersey Teamsters of the facts regarding the NCLC's violent and often paranoid history.

TDU did not take the USLP attacks lying down. In a letter to Fitzsimmons on November 13, Ken Paff charged that the USLP is a "group of thugs...who are known for anti-labor actions such as breaking up union meetings, attacking union members, trying to stop duly authorized strikes of various unions." The letter reminded Fitzsimmons that the USLP had been denounced officially by both the United Auto Workers and the United Steel Workers. Finally, the TDU leader called on Fitzsimmons to "urge all officials and affiliates that are distributing [USLP] material to stop doing so."

Apparently, Fitzsimmons was getting complaints from inside his bureaucracy as well. (The USLP would later blame Teamster lawyers Dave Previant and Robert Baptiste, as well as the union's liberal-minded second vice-president, Harold Gibbons.) And the Teamster General Executive Board, at its January 1978 meeting, passed a resolution disclaiming any association with the USLP.

TDU and PROD welcomed the resolution but were skeptical of its sincerity. Convoy (April 1978) noted that Fitzsimmons and other top officials "have themselves been repeating the 'Rockefeller conspiracy' fantasy" (a reference, among other incidents, to a Dallas speech by Fitzsimmons the previous October). The TDU paper speculated that the executive board members simply did not want "to get hit with legal action stemming from the lies contained in the [USLP] booklet."

Events soon proved TDU's sarcasm to be fully justified. The Teamster leadership sent to the locals a 22-page attack on the rank and file groups which so closely repeated the charges in The Plot to Destroy the Teamsters that, as Bob Windrem quipped, "You'd think the USLP wrote it." It described PROD and TDU as "media creations" aiming at the destruction of the union, and linked them with labor attorney Joe Rauh, the Stern Fund, the Samuel Rubin Foundation, and other longtime targets of USLP paranoia. A shortened version of this report was passed out to the media at a Fitzsimmons press conference in June. (Our Town questioned Duke Zeller, IBT communications coordinator, about the media version. He described it as a "backgrounder" on the dissident groups and admitted that it included charges of "funding from non-Teamster sources." He said he didn't know who had prepared it.)

In addition, PROD and TDU continued to receive reports that officials of various locals were distributing USLP literature. And the USLP soon printed up a second pamphlet, The Deregulation Hoax: The Conspiracy to Destroy the Trucking Industry and the Teamsters, in which Senator Edward Kennedy is featured as a prominent villain. (TDU alleges that this pamphlet was commissioned by the Southern Conference of Teamsters in Hallandale, Florida.) The deregulation report was mailed out by at least one local to its membership (Local 577, Amarillo, Texas). And TDU's Paff says the leadership of Joint Council 39 in Wisconsin asked the locals in its jurisdiction to contribute toward the purchase of copies. (Reportedly, a contribution was forthcoming from Local 579 in Janesville.)

By October, Joseph Spaniolo, a USLP member in Local 299 (Detroit), was able to brag that "over 200,000 copies" of the two USLP pamphlets had been "purchased and studied by union members around the country." This figure was later revised downwards by New Solidarity to a mere 180,000. (PROD's former staff attorney, Steve Early, believes that even the revised figures are "exaggerated," but that the USLP pamphlets "were all over the place--the entire Southern Conference was using their stuff.")

The USLP also concocted a leaflet, "The Truth About PROD," for distribution in the Midwest during an organizing tour by PROD national director Paul Poulos. The leaflet, which charged the reform group with being an "informers' network" for the FBI as well as a tool of "Wall Street tax-exempt foundations," was passed out on August 20 by Local 147 business agents in front of a PROD meeting hall in Des Moines, Iowa. According to one witness, the BA's were accompanied by a USLP member. The BA's remained outside but the party member entered the hall and attempted unsuccessfully to disrupt Poulos' speech.

The "Truth About PROD" leaflet was also used at a PROD organizing meeting in Rockford, Illinois on September 24, according to New Solidarity. An officer of Local 325 and several followers leafleted outside and then, reportedly, entered the meeting to ask hostile questions.

At no time did non-union USLP cadre directly employ violence against the Teamster dissidents. In its propaganda "counterattack" against PROD, however, New Solidarity slyly encouraged violence via sarcastic news accounts, such as the following ("Teamsters Debate PROD," August 11, 1978): "In Local 26, in Danville, Illinois, a PRODite was annoying workers at a nuclear plant construction site with environmental, and-union slanders. The Teamsters circulated a petition...stating that they didn't want him around because of his 'anti-American, anti-union activities.' The workers' enthusiastic explanations of their just grievances left the PRODite befuddled in the bottom of a garbage pail."

The closest collaboration between Teamster leaders and the USLP occurred in the closing months of the year, during union elections in which rank-and-file slates influenced by TDU and PROD challenged the incumbent hacks in about 20 locals. According to Convoy, in its January 1979 post-election issue: "US Labor Party flyers were used, and in some cases US Labor Party people were brought in from Chicago to write campaign literature or speak at campaign rallies in Harrisburg (though the president later repudiated it), Long Island, Denver, Grand Rapids, St. Louis, Kansas City, and Florida."

According to New Solidarity, the USLP's Chicago-based "expert" on Teamster affairs, one Richard Leebove, was sent around the country, helping local Teamster leaders to set up "truth squads" to confront TDU and PROD.

The bizarre, now-you-see-it-now-you-don't nature of this collaboration was best illustrated by events in Harrisburg, Pa. Prior to the election, PROD had received complaints from the reformers in Local 776 that union business agents had been distributing USLP literature. PROD sent a letter to the president of the local, Arthur Huntsberger, who denied the charge, although admitting USLP material had been left around the union hall. Yet Huntsberger later invited Leebove to make an anti-PROD and anti-TDU presentation at a steward's meeting. The presentation, which included charts and graphs, was less than convincing to several of the stewards, who later asked why Leebove had been invited. According to the PROD Dispatch, Huntsberger again passed the buck, claiming that the USLP speaker had been recommended by a top Teamster official in Chicago. (The Dispatch alleges that this official was Louis F. Peick, an international vice president and a member of the very same General Executive Board which had passed the anti-USLP resolution the previous January.)

The USLP concocted for the next upcoming elections a fill-in-the-blanks version of the "Truth About PROD" (local Teamster officials could simply add the name of the local opposition slate). Printed by each local on its own, these leaflets were used on Long Island, and in Atlanta, Grand Rapids, Orlando and Harrisburg (partial list). According to leaders of the reform groups, the USLP leaflets were definitely more effective than the unsophisticated red-baiting leaflets (not of USLP origin) that were used in Flint, Michigan and in Oklahoma City. One sample of the USLP approach: "Many older Teamsters will remember how Bobby Kennedy created the totally illegal 'Get Hoffa' unit of the Justice Department in the 1960's to hound, harass, and most likely murder Jimmy Hoffa. In the 60's, the FBI had to send in undercover agents to infiltrate the Teamsters. Now they just use PROD!"

After the elections, New Solidarity printed a list of locals in which the incumbents won and in which the leadership "directly or indirectly collaborated with the USLP." The list included Peick's home local, No. 705 in Chicago, as well as all locals except Harrisburg which had used the "Truth About PROD" leaflet. (PROD sources say the list is misleading, since the reformers did much better than expected in at least two of the races.)

New Solidarity also gave a list of locals in which the incumbents lost and in which the latter "refused to collaborate" with the USLP or to "adopt the USLP's method in exposing the PROD-TDU conspiracy." But TDU's Paff says that at least one of the incumbents who lost office did use USLP literature. "When TDU held a pre-election meeting in Oklahoma City," Paff recalls, "the president of Local 886 stood up and started reading from one of the USLP pamphlets. He'd read a passage that sounded convincing and then stop. We had a copy also, though, and we'd pick up where he left off--and read on to some of the really crazy stuff about the Queen of England, so the audience could see where these people are really coming from. I'd say we got the best of that little interchange."

Paff also relayed a story from reformers who won the election in a Florida local: "Shortly after they took over the union office, a bunch of cartons filled with USLP literature was delivered. It had been ordered by the previous officers, but it just arrived too late."

Among the successful USLP interventions, the best documented was the Local 282 election on Long Island, in which incumbent president John Cody--a close associate of the late Carlo Gambino--defeated the reformers by a comfortable margin in spite of widespread media coverage of the reformers' grievances.

New Solidarity gloated over this victory in its Dec. 15 issue, giving a detailed account of the USLP's role:

Throughout the [PROD] attack, the morale and fighting spirit of the Cody leadership and the union stewards remained high. However, as several union leaders pointed out, they lacked the ammunition needed to deal PROD a decisive blow.
The Labor Party provided that ammunition...Richard Leebove and a staff of USLP intelligence experts first briefed the Cody leadership and then the secondary leadership....The Labor Party assisted the Local 282 leadership in developing material to counter the lying press and alert the membership to the dangers of PROD... This process culminated in a mass educational meeting one week before the election, where Leebove presented the evidence on the conspiracy to nearly 500 union members.

(Note: The leaders of the dissident group in Local 282 have confirmed that these meetings actually took place.)

A second New Solidarity article quoted Cody as telling USLP member at a victory party after the election, “You gave us the ammunition to win.” Whether of not the quote is authentic, the Cody leadership did show its gratitude to the USLP by a $500 donation in the form of a "subscription" to the party's New Solidarity International Press Service.

The union dissidents found out about the donation at a membership meeting on March 29, 1979, when the minutes of the previous meeting were read. Shortly after, the dissidents filed a complaint of election irregularity with the U.S. Department of Labor, which sent investigator Patricia McGuire to check it out.

According to McGuire's report, dated May 10, "examination of Local 282's books and records disclosed a payment of $500 on 2/27/79 for a one-year subscription to the New Solidarity International Press Service." In a separate memorandum, the investigator described her conversation with Lucille Kott, officer manager of Local 282. She asked Kott to show her "what kinds of services or materials were provided by the [news] service." Kott replied that "she did not believe that any materials had yet been received by the union."

According to a defector from the USLP who once worked for the press service, "it produces news articles on a daily basis for New Solidarity and other party publications. It's hard to believe that a bona fide subscriber could go for two whole months without receiving a single item." The defector added, however, that "it was common practice to sell phony subscriptions at puffed up prices, both to the news service and to the Executive Intelligence Review [the party's weekly business magazine--ed.]. It was a way of concealing donations given by rightwing businessmen."

In several instances, Teamster officials have also been willing to give the USLP a modest amount of political support. In October 1978, the tri-county screening committee of Joint Council 37 (Portland, Oregon) endorsed a USLP candidate for the State Legislature; and in December several Teamster officials from around the nation signed a telegram of greetings to the founding conference of the party's Michigan Anti-Drug Coalition.

"As leaders of the American labor movement," the telegram said, "we give 100 percent support to your coalition's efforts to clean up the drug trade and pledge our help to rid our nation of this evil disease." The signers of the telegram according to New Solidarity, included the president of Joint Council 65 (Springfield, Illinois) and officers of Local 147 (Des Moines, Iowa), Local 971 (Belleville, Illinois), Local 769 (Miami, Florida), Local 282 (Long Island), and Local 572 (Long Beach, California). Our Town showed this list to a respected longtime analyst of Teamster affairs, who said that "at least two of those locals" have a "definite relationship" with "drug-pushing mobsters."

The most important benefit for the USLP in its Teamster alliance, however, is the access it has gained to the Teamster membership to push its message of hate. Although the party's original toehold with the Teamsters was gained via the 1977 pamphlet, with its focus on "Rockefeller" and "Wall Street" villainy, subsequent pamphlets and New Solidarity articles struck a more sinister note of anti-Semitism. Indeed, the Rothschilds and other Jewish bankers, together with their "Zionist" and "British" agents, came to be blamed for virtually every problem facing the Teamster leadership: the TDU and PROD, trucking deregulation, Justice Department investigations, muckraking journalists, hostile media networks, Cesar Chavez, the revolt of the independent truckers, and the moralistic disapproval of the AFL-CIO.

New Solidarity also attempted to link its anti-Semitism with a general analysis of the trade union movement. The USLP newspaper envisioned a network of "traditionalist American System-oriented" trade union leaders, in the Teamsters, the United Steel Workers, the United Mine Workers, and the buildings trades who would "stand opposed to forces associated with AFL-CIO Treasurer Lane Kirkland...and other Anti-Defamation League-linked circles who want to...go with Teddy Kennedy and his...liberalism" (August 11, 1978). While supporting these traditionalist leaders, however, New Solidarity also criticized their alleged ideological shortcomings. For instance, it complained about Steel Workers president Lloyd McBride that "While [he] understands...the threat represented by the pseudo-leftist Sadlowski [Ed Sadlowski, leader of the USWA reform movement--ed.] and his ilk, he has yet to come to grips with the Social Democratic and Zionist Lobby traitors who enjoy his closest confidence" (September 26).

Meanwhile, to educate the rank and file of the traditionalist unions, New Solidarity announced a USLP petition to "oust Zionists from the Unions" (September 8).

The most virulent of the New Solidarity articles targeting the Teamsters was LaRouche's "Jack Anderson and the Gang That Killed Hoffa," which first appeared in the October 3 edition. Identifying newsman Jack Anderson (a longtime critic of the Teamsters) as the "darling of the Zionist lobby," LaRouche also announced:

I know who murdered Hoffa, and so does every top law enforcement officer in the U.S....We may not know the names of the thugs sent to do the killings, but we know who sent them....The guys who did the hiring are walking the "most respected persons" of the international Zionist community. So far, the law can't--or won't--lay a finger on them.

LaRouche next launched into an explanation of the international Jewish conspiracy:

The rituals of entry into the synagogue do include elements of a conspiratorial 'password' system....This feature (among others) of Judaism was syncretically mangled by the British as the way of seducing Jews into the British intelligence networks organized, chiefly, around the conspiratorial leading circles of B'nai B'rith.

Defectors from the USLP say that LaRouche and other party leaders were perfectly aware that Hoffa was killed by Teamster rivals, not by any Jewish conspiracy.

"LaRouche concocted the assassination myth purely and simply to encourage bigotry in the union," said one defector. "He knows his allegations are untrue. And while he pretends to shed tears for Hoffa, his followers are busy cultivating the very Teamster officials who set Hoffa up for the kill." (This defector cited a meeting in 1978 between USLP national labor coordinator Matt Moriarity and top officers of Provenzano's Joint Council 73, at which the USLP emissary allegedly received a donation in return for a party "intelligence report.")

The LaRouche article on Hoffa's murder was apparently regarded as useful by some Teamster locals. New Solidarity claimed on October 27 that it was being "reproduced and circulated throughout locals, on union hall bulletin boards, and so on to bring the membership to [an] understanding." In November, it was brought out in revised form as a pamphlet, The Gang That Killed Jimmy Hoffa, and Joe Spaniolo in Local 299 issued a USLP leaflet calling on his fellow workers to "support bulk purchases" of it. TDU's Paff recalls that the pamphlet never achieved as large a circulation as the previous two pamphlets, but it "definitely got around."

SIDEBAR: "Teamster officials say..."

In a telephone interview on Dec. 12, IBT international vice president Harold Gibbons told Our Town that "the international never cooperated with [the USLP]." He conceded, however, that "some locals did buy copies" of The Plot to Destroy the Teamsters, because "they thought it was very pro-Teamster."

Gibbons said that he had recognized the USLP as "a weird kind of group" from the beginning and had argued against any cooperation. Asked about IBT president Fitzsimmons' speeches in 1977 and 1978 which had included USLP-style charges against dissidents, Gibbons said "He may have used that [the USLP pamphlet] as a source of his rhetoric." Gibbons said that IBT vice president Jackie Presser in Cleveland is "the one who's had the most contact with them" including contact "within the last year."

When Our Town called Presser we encountered the same stonewalling tactics that Teamster leaders use when questioned about their mob connections: "I've never worked with them...I don't know anything about them...I've had no contact with them...I've never dealt with them," said Presser, although admitting "they [the USLP] are active and around." Presser, who serves as the union's director of communications, carefully avoided any negative comments about the USLP, even though the IBT General Executive Board has officially denounced the LaRouche group.




At least one prominent Teamster official is thinking of supporting Lyndon Hermyle LaRouche, leader of the neo-Nazi U.S. Labor Party, for President of the United States in 1980.

"I think very highly of Mr. LaRouche and his platform--he's the most intelligent of all the candidates," said Detroit-based general organizer Rolland McMaster in a telephone interview Jan. 2.

McMaster, who has long been regarded as the union's top muscle man and a pivotal behind-the-scenes figure in its internal politics and dealings with organized crime, claimed that his views on LaRouche are shared by Teamster leaders in a number of locals across the nation.

"It's what everybody is tossing around," he said, "especially since LaRouche lined up with the Democrats." (The USLP leader, who received 40,000 votes nationwide in 1976, announced his 1980 candidacy on the USLP ticket in February. In September, however, he decided to enter the Democratic primaries and his campaign literature dropped all mention of the USLP.)

McMaster, whose career as a labor leader includes 18 months in federal prison in 1966-67 after a conviction on 32 counts of labor extortion, declined to name any of the locals involved in the alleged deliberations, although he did say they were planning a meeting "in the very near future."

Later in the interview, he said he had discussed the possible LaRouche endorsement with "Teamster leaders in Florida" over the Christmas holidays.

Was the Federal Election Commission's Dec. 18 approval of LaRouche’s request for matching funds discussed in Florida? "That's why we were discussing it [a possible endorsement]," said McMaster. He also cited LaRouche’s strong support for the Teamsters on trucking deregulation and other issues of vital concern to the union leadership.

Our Town checked McMaster's claim of widespread Teamster interest in LaRouche's candidacy with a source among high-level Midwest Teamsters. We were skeptical at first, because of IBT general president Frank Fitzsimmon's widely publicized letter last June disassociating the IBT from LaRouche's campaign.

The source confirmed, however, that McMaster had indeed told Fitzsimmons to "shove it" on the LaRouche issue and that apparently several other Teamster officials were friendly to LaRouche. But our source insisted that the actions of McMaster and his cronies did not reflect any covert support for LaRouche by Fitzsimmons and the IBT General Executive Board.

McMaster himself was careful not to implicate the General Executive Board. "Under our democratic process," he said, "individual locals can support whoever they like...the Teamster union is one of the most democratic goddamn outfits in America."

The IBT general organizer also discussed the question of funding. "Teamsters donate money to DRIVE [the international’s political action arm]," he said, "but a certain portion is sent back to the locals for disbursement to the candidates of their choice." McMaster indicated that some locals might donate to the LaRouche campaign, even if the international endorses one of LaRouche's rivals.

The attempts by LaRouche and his aides to win campaign backing from the Teamsters began soon after LaRouche announced his candidacy in early 1979. According to New Solidarity (the USLP's biweekly newspaper), LaRouche met with "leaders of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters" in Washington on March 29.

We asked McMaster about this meeting. "Yes, it took place," he said. "I was there." He would not identify any of the IBT officials who had allegedly participated, but he did say Frank Fitzsimmons had not been present.

In the following months, the relationship of the USLP to McMaster and other IBT officials went through ups and downs as the small sect groped its way towards a level of tactical sophistication appropriate for dealing with a powerful established institution. (The USLP is not itself a factor in internal IBT politics; our sources in the union say that only one Teamster in the entire nation is actually a member of the USLP.)

LaRouche's campaign aides announced in mid-May the formation of a "Teamster Committee to Elect LaRouche President" (TCELP) in Detroit as a result of a "series of private meetings" with "leaders of the IBT from across the State of Michigan."

Two weeks later, the name of McMaster (who in fact has a strong following among Teamster officials across Michigan) was brought into play. The TCELP began circulating a "Public Statement of Rolland McMaster" endorsing LaRouche for President.

According to the text as printed, McMaster said he had made his decision after meeting privately with LaRouche on May 20 and attending a conference of the Michigan Anti-Drug Coalition which LaRouche addressed. (The coalition, a USLP front organization formed in December 1978 with the cooperation of the Black Muslims, has been widely criticized in the Detroit area media for promoting the concept that "Zionism" is responsible for illegal drug trafficking in the U.S.)

"I was moved by this evening's event," the statement continued (referring to the anti-drug conference). "I feel the fight against drugs is the major social issue in the United States today."

"If only for the reason that he is committed to saving our next generation from drugs, I will now endorse Lyndon LaRouche for President of the United States for 1980. From the response of the many other labor leaders in the audience, I am sure many of these join me in these sentiments."

The statement did not identify any of the "other labor leaders" in the audience, but it did include an appeal to the trade union movement in general: "I...urge other Teamster officials and leaders of other unions across the country to meet and familiarize themselves with Mr. LaRouche and consider endorsing his candidacy for the reasons I have."

The "McMaster statement" was not a total surprise to close observers of the Michigan IBT. In the months preceding this statement, a tactical alliance had already begun to emerge between the USLP and the forces around the IBT's top leg-breaker. For instance, officials of Local406 in Grand Rapids (a local "heavily influenced" by McMaster, according to sources in the Teamster reform movement) had worked with the neo-Nazi sect in late 1978 to defeat an insurgent slate in the local's election. In addition, Central Conference organizer Lawrence McHenry, widely regarded as McMaster's right-hand man, cooperated with the USLP in an attempt to have Pete Camarata, co-chairman of Teamsters for a Democratic Union (TDU), expelled from Local 299 in Detroit. McHenry had then given an interview to New Solidarity in two parts in April 1979) in which he used the USLP's conspiracy theory to attack the TDU and other union reform groups.

The USLP immediately set about using the "McMaster statement" to give the false impression of a groundswell of Teamster support for LaRouche. According to New Solidarity, the party printed up and distributed almost a quarter of a million copies of the statement nationwide to Teamsters and the general public during late May and early June.

The reaction of McMaster's rivals in the Michigan IBT hierarchy was swift, as was the clampdown by an embarrassed international leadership. The Detroit joint council, led by international vice president Robert Holmes, passed a resolution repudiating the USLP. And Frank Fitzsimmons fired off a letter to the TCELP June 11 demanding that it "cease misleading our members and the American public with suggestions that the Teamsters support and endorse your programs and candidate."

The Fitzsimmons letter was printed in the July 1979 issue of the International Teamster, which is mailed to every union member nationwide. (By this time, McMaster had become extremely cautious and would neither confirm nor deny the authenticity of the public statement bearing his name.)

Sources within the IBT say that the hullabaloo was caused by the USLP's lack of restraint in using the "McMaster statement." Instead of circulating it discreetly and on a modest scale--as a personal statement rather than an official union pronunciamento--the USLP went public with it on a massive scale. This presumptuousness violated the previous tacit agreement between the USLP and the Teamsters; i.e., that the alliance would remain covert and low-key, with the party accepting payment for its services in non-ideological currency.

In addition, Fitzsimmons was no doubt annoyed by a TCELP bulletin, passed out together with the "McMaster statement," which quoted the Teamster president as saying in a May 15 speech in California: "We need candidates ready to bite the bullet of hard facts, and I for one will be looking for a man or woman ready to do so regardless of the political consequences."

Given Fitzsimmons' past use of USLP rhetoric against Teamster dissidents, as well as his close association with McMaster, the leaflet could only be interpreted as implying that Fitzsimmons was really behind the "McMaster statement," and that the Teamster general president was himself considering an endorsement of LaRouche.

All of our sources agree that the prospect of such an endorsement was (and is) extremely remote. But the reformers in TDU, long a target of USLP/Fitzsimmons smear campaigns, could not help but chortle at the Teamster chief's discomfort. In an article "The Big Lie Bites Back" the TDU newsletter Convoy noted that "the U.S. Labor Party has been doing Fitz's dirty work. But now it seems the time to pay the piper has come...The 'USLP connection' is becoming an embarrassment to [union] officials now that the big lie technique is being turned on them."

Our Town discussed this incident with USLP defectors, who pointed out that the party's inept handling of the TCELP campaign is but one in a long string of similar errors dating back to the party's leftist phase in the late 1960's.

"They don't know how to accept anything less than total support," said one defector who left the party several years ago. "They always end up isolating themselves."

The USLP's reaction to the Teamster rebuff, however, indicates that Lyndon LaRouche is capable of learning from his tactical errors (like Adolf Hitler after the Munich beer hall putsch).

For instance, the USLP leader did not throw a tantrum and denounce the Teamsters as tools of the "Zionist" conspiracy, as he might have done in years past.

He moved instead to disarm his critics in the union by a politely worded open letter from the TCELP to Fitzsimmons stating that "We applaud your decision and that of the Honorable Executive Board to refuse to endorse any presidential candidate at this time; as you explained letter to us...." The TCELP also expressed a modest wish that the IBT consider LaRouche on his merits, just like the other candidates, at a future date.

A second open letter was sent to Fitzsimmons, signed by LaRouche himself. It implied a sympathetic understanding of the pressures operating on the IBT from "the White House, the Kennedy machine, and Governor Connally" to discourage close cooperation with the LaRouche campaign. And the USLP leader drew a sly analogy between the alleged slander campaigns against the USLP and those against the IBT: two organizations united in the common misfortune of being "singled out...for lying defamation and vicious persecution." LaRouche then expressed his continued confidence in the IBT as "the potential backbone of the American system within the labor movement."

The USLP leader continued: "When the IBT leads the on issues of fundamental importance to this nation and its people, the building trades and other unions will follow--some quicker, some slower, but they will move. With such a nucleus of organized forces, farmers, entrepreneurs, minority forces, and others will group themselves together with such a force." The invitation to the Teamsters to get in on the ground floor of a Fascist mass movement could not have been more clear, especially with LaRouche pointing out that Teamster officials could enjoy "thousands" of executive posts under an American System presidency.

LaRouche's minions mobilized to pass out a few thousand copies of these letters as a New Solidarity "extra"--to save face and to cover their fuehrer's strategic retreat. But he did retreat, "applauding" his own chastisement. The "Teamsters for LaRouche" hype ceased. The references to the "McMaster statement" ceased. And the labor reportage in the USLP newspaper returned to its customary themes of fighting against TDU and sneering at the Justice Department.

As a result of this tactical shift, LaRouche was able to avoid a break with officials such as McMaster. Yet the Michigan Teamster leader has been extremely cautious and discreet since the TCELP debacle. For instance, in the Jan. 2 telephone interview he was careful to praise LaRouche only as a Democrat, not as the chieftain of the USLP. ("I'm not a cultist," he said.)

In addition, LaRouche has preserved the USLP/Teamster tactical alliance (against union dissidents, etc.) even with union officials who have no interest in his presidential campaign. For instance, in Detroit flagship Local 299 (which made a big show of rejecting the LaRouche campaign last summer):

"I go down to the union hall," says a member of TDU. "Lying there on the counter, right beside the official union newspaper, is a stack of New Solidarity."

"I want to see one of the union officers," says another dissident in Local 299. "On the table in the waiting room they've got Executive Intelligence Review." (The latter is the USLP weekly business magazine, sold to businessmen and labor leaders at a subscription price of $400 per year.)

This member also described membership meetings at the union hall: "You go there and you find Joe Spaniolo [USLP member in Local 299--ed.] selling his paper. The union leaders make a big show of going over and being friendly with him."

The USLP also continues to show its usefulness to IBT leaders on the national level, according to the union's reform groups. For instance, New Solidarity attempted to whip up indignation last summer about how the reform group PROD had enclosed copies of its newsletter in a mailing to PROD members announcing a Federal government hearing on truck safety. (The mailing was sent out in Dept. of Transportation envelopes, and PROD admits that it was a mistake to enclose the newsletter.) New Solidarity even called for a Justice Department investigation. According to TDU and PROD spokesmen, the Teamster leadership then jumped on the bandwagon and urged Teamster locals around the country to write letters of protest to their congressmen about the PROD mailing.

More recently, the USLP concocted a 60-page special report by Executive Intelligence Review, "Trucking Deregulation: A Disaster Worse Than Vietnam," which presents legitimate arguments against deregulation (an issue on which both Teamster leaders and Teamster reform groups happen to agree) but then adds a typical LaRouche attack on the Council of Foreign Relations and the "Rothschilds."

Our Town called the USLP business magazine to find out how sales (at $10 each) are going. "We're getting bulk orders from Teamster locals and trucking companies all over the country," chirped staff member Susan Tobin.

TDU national organizer Ken Paff in Detroit said he has not yet heard any reports from the field about the alleged bulk purchases. On the other hand, Rolland McMaster on Jan. 2 confirmed the purchases.

Certainly there is no reason to believe that Teamster locals won't continue to buy USLP literature or work with the neo-Nazi group in discreet ways. The smear tactics of the USLP have proven their effectiveness and have spread widely in the union.

Just how widely was indicated by an experience of Steve Early, former staff attorney for PROD: "I went up to Alaska on an organizing tour last May," he said. "Now, you know there's no USLP in Fairbanks, Alaska. But guys were getting up at meetings or calling into radio talk shows I appeared on--they were friends of the local union officials, I guess--and asking questions like 'What is your relationship to the Baader-Meinhoff gang?' That type of question could only have come from reading USLP literature."

Another reason the alliance continues is the simple fact that the USLP defends the Teamster leadership right down the line, regardless of what the media, the Teamster reformers, or law enforcement agencies say and do. And USLP cadre increase this rapport by coming to Teamster locals with little tidbits such as the transcripts of phone conversations between USLP security staffers and high-ranking Justice Department strike force officials, in which the USLP callers (posing as freelance journalists) elicit indiscreet responses to questions about government tactics against the Teamster hierarchy.

At the very least, the result of such efforts is a bemused tolerance--a willingness to overlook the USLP's uglier side. For instance, Joe Edgar, president of the Portland, Oregon joint council, told a reporter last summer, regarding the local USLP leader, "[He] comes to see me....He's never pushy and I kind of like the guy. On some things I agree with him and an others I don't."

But strong pressures also serve to retard USLP/Teamster cooperation. Most important, according to TDU's Ken Paff, is the "union leadership's desire for respectability."

After years out in the cold, the Teamster bosses want to gain a legitimate status in the mainstream of American society. "This is one reason they listen to warnings to keep their distance from the Labor Party," says Paff.

Yet is respectability a realistic goal for a union bureaucracy tied hand and glove to organized crime--and thus subject to periodic government investigations and prosecution?

Lyndon LaRouche thinks it isn't. He therefore urges the Teamster leaders to go on the offensive against legitimate society--and to help rally a coalition that could eventually kick the Eastern establishment and good government types out of Washington and reconstruct American society in the image of Local 299 (thus guaranteeing the Teamster bosses a permanent hold on their union's multibillion dollar pension funds).

It is significant that Rolland McMaster shares this pessimism about winning respectability within the system. In mid-1978, McMaster told journalist Dan Moldea that he believed the union leadership was being "chopped up" by law enforcement agencies, and that its past attempts to curry favor with mainstream national politicians had been a disaster.

Whether in Detroit or in Union City or in Hallandale, Florida, it is this "outsider" mentality of the old-style Teamster leaders which LaRouche appeals to. The Teamster bosses are still, after years of government harassment, the U.S. labor movement's outlaw elite. And LaRouche offers them nothing less than a fullblown outlaw political programme--a programme through which they can feel superior to society while continuing to spit in its face.

SIDEBAR: Who is Rolland McMaster?

The U.S. Labor Party has hailed Rolland McMaster as "one of the most respected and knowledgeable voices in all of organized labor."

No statement could more clearly reveal the hypocrisy of the USLP's public stance (see Our Town, Sept. 2, 1979) as an organization crusading against organized crime.

In The Hoffa Wars (Paddington Press. 1978), journalist Dan Moldea presents a comprehensive account of the history of labor racketeering in America's largest union. Moldea devotes more attention to McMaster than to any other past or present Teamster leader, with the sole exception of the late James Hoffa.

Moldea describes in detail like role within the IBT of McMaster's goon squads--the purveyors of the violence and threats through which the union leadership maintains control of the rank and file.

The aim of the violence, of course, has always been to keep the IBT under the thumb of organized crime.

Edward Partin, a former Teamster official whose testimony led to Hoffa's 1964 jury tampering conviction, was the first to lift the lid on McMaster's pivotal role in Teamster dealings with organized crime.

"According to Partin," writes Moldea, "McMaster was a personal Hoffa liaison to Meyer Lansky, Santos Trafficante, the Dorfman family and the syndicate in Chicago, and the Genovese mob of New Jersey and New York."

For instance, McMaster's connection with Trafficante (a major figure in the early 1960's CIA/mob plot to assassinate Fidel Castro): According to Moldea, the earliest contact between the two "was in 1957...the same year Trafficante was arrested at the Appalachian Conference...." Hoffa had sent McMaster to Miami that year to establish Local 320, which served as a front for many of the mob's gambling and narcotics activities. Trafficante--who, according to union officials, was also instrumental in setting up the local--occupied a small office in the union hall.

The key man who helped McMaster start Local 320 was an assassin for Sam Giancana named David Yaras, once a pinball and slot machine concessionaire under Al Capone....

A year after McMaster and Yaras set up Miami Local 320, McMaster, with Hoffa's approval, made a convicted New York extortionist, Harold Gross, the head of it. Gross was a close friend of McMaster and a former associate of the syndicate hit team, Murder, Inc. His duties included passing out sweetheart contracts and shaking down taxicab companies, service stations, and parking lot owners...

McMaster's main territory was the IBT Central Conference, where he ran the iron and steel negotiating and grievance committees and Hoffa's flagship Local 299. He was also the owner of several dummy corporations set up to receive payoffs from trucking bosses.

On Jan. 27, 1959, McMaster appeared before the McClellan Committee and invoked the Fifth Amendment more than 50 times in response to questions about his shakedown activities.

In 1962, McMaster was convicted of labor extortion in Federal court, but did not enter prison until 1966 thanks to appeals. In the interim, he had a falling out with Hoffa who removed him from the leadership of Local 299.

The rift between the two was permanent, and when McMaster came out of prison (shortly after Hoffa went in), he threw his loyalty to the new president, Fitzsimmons. As a result, he was given back his control of Local 299.

The ensuing violence and depredations on the local's treasury by McMaster and his goons prompted one group of dissidents to adopt the slogan "Take the Hood out of Brotherhood." Hoffa loyalists were able to capitalize on this type of discontent, and in 1970 the Detroit joint council voted (over the opposition of Fitzsimmons) to remove McMaster from his fiefdom.

In 1972, with Hoffa out on parole, Fitzsimmons appointed McMaster to head up a special Central States task force with the dual purpose of organizing steel haulers and blocking any Hoffa-led rebellions.

This McMaster operation, known by IBT leaders as the "Hoffa watch," was staffed by assorted ex-convicts and thugs and became little more than a smokescreen for a roving shakedown racket. (The Detroit Free Press later reported that although $1.3 million was spent on the two-year drive, less than 800 drivers were organized.)

Dan Moldea quotes one participant as saying the training program for the organizers of this drive included lessons in arson. As to the procedure for signing up union members:

In one incident an Ohio driver was assaulted by two unidentified organizers when he refused to sign an intent card. One of them, holding a blowtorch, told the driver where the driver's eight-year-old son attended school, as well as the route he walked to and from classes. To emphasize that he meant business, the organizer then lit his own cigarette with the blowtorch.

Moldea points out that even after the truth about the organizing drive was revealed in the media, Fitzsimmons declined to take disciplinary action against McMaster. Indeed, the Teamsters' top organizer appears to have never operated under restraints. The Moldea book describes literally dozens of beatings, firebombings, dynamitings, etc. alleged to have been carried out by members of McMaster's goon squads, both under Hoffa and under Fitzsimmons.

In 1976, McMaster made a strong bid (backed by Fitzsimmons) to regain control once again of Local 299. He was narrowly defeated, but in the estimate of Moldea he remains perhaps the second most powerful Teamster official in Michigan. In the Byzantine mire of IBT politics, he is associated most closely with international vice president Roy L. Williams, chairman of the Central Conference of Teamsters. Williams is regarded by most observers as the probable successor to the ailing 72-year-old Fitzsimmons.

LaRouche's initial response to the Our Town series:

[The LaRouche presidential campaign flier below was passed out in August 1979 on the same day that "Nazis on the Rise," the first article in the 1979-80 Our Town series, hit the streets. LaRouche's fulminations against the "Zionist evil" (which he suggested was out to assassinate him) would soon be followed by smear leaflets against Our Town's publisher, visits and calls to the paper's office by imposters, two multimillion dollar libel suits, threats to banks and other institutions that allowed stacks of the free-distribution paper on their premises (many caved in), death threats, and general nonstop harassment. Although the following tirade was aimed at influencing the black community, other fliers, articles and brochures would target a primarily white audience. LaRouche's incendiary language did not stop the Federal Election Commission from giving him $327,864.01 in matching funds (U.S. taxpayer money) during the 1979-80 campaign. He would receive far more in subsequent campaigns.--DK]

LaRouche Tells Black Leaders: We'll Destroy the Zionists Politically.

NEW YORK, Aug. 23 (NSIPS)--Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., U.S. Labor Party chairman and 1980 presidential candidate, released this statement from his campaign headquarters in New York City today:

"The firing of UN ambassador Andrew Young by John Connally associate Robert Strauss and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance is intimately tied to the current assassination effort against me by the Permindex organization which carried out the killing of John Kennedy and Martin Luther King. Now, as then, one major object of the assassination is to trigger race riots in the ghettos across the country. These riots are intended to be anti-semitic, as shown by the blatant interference of the Israeli intelligence agency, the Mossad, in carrying out Young's firing.

"No black leader or organization should fall into this trap by condoning any violent action. My message to you is to cool it. We have already identified the enemy clearly. The Zionist evil has been revealed as one key arm of the British intelligence body, which is behind the operation to destroy America and human productive potential worldwide. We are poised to destroy this enemy politically, if we collaborate. This is the only responsible course of action before us.

"John Connally, along with his Zionist backers, are the drugpushers, the evil men who are poisoning the youth of the ghettos and the cities. They are the mortal enemies of this country, and of black minorities in particular. Now that they are being exposed by my party and threatened with becoming the target of the anger of the black community already enraged by the slave-trader mentality of the Zionists, they have brought in the enforcer, Permindex. Together, they hope to be able to silence me, and diffuse effective political opposition by sending the ghettos into flames.

"Black leaders must recognize the cold facts. I am a chief target of assassination because I have had the guts to identify the enemy boldly and directly. Anyone attacking me in the way that the Zionist rag "Our Town" did is fully in cahoots with the drug-running network known internationally as Dope, Inc. Anyone seriously committed to defeating the drug-running networks should consult with me and my representatives. That is the only way we can ensure we can win."





Computron financial report names USLP chief Konstandinos Kalimtgis as majority owner.
Affidavit of former USLP organizer alleges laundering of Computron profits into party coffers.
Computron president Andreas Typaldos writes a secret report on how to computerize USLP intelligence files.
Typaldos' wife arrested in 1974 cult kidnapping case.
USLP members, including former members of party security staff, dominate Computron board of directors.
USLP presidential candidate Lyndon LaRouche gets long-term "credit" from Computron, use of company car and apartment, loan of credit cards from top Computron officers.
No doubt about it: Computron Technologies Corporation, one of New York's fastest growing computer software houses, is closely linked to the U.S. Labor Party, a group widely regarded as neo-Nazi.

Our Town first raised the lid on Computron in a Sept. 9, 1979 article charging that the multi-million dollar firm had shared office space with the USLP from 1975 to 1977 and that several of its top officers are party members.

Computron promptly slapped a $65 million libel suit on us, but we continued our investigation of the firm and its method of soliciting clients (including such corporate biggies as AT&T, Mobil Oil, Colgate-Palmolive and Bristol-Meyers).

The results of our probe fully support the charges in the Sept. 9 article and make a mockery of the Computron suit.

First of all, who owns Computron? We obtained a financial report of the firm, dated Dec. 31, 1977, with a schedule of partners' capital. The schedule, unaudited but issued on the stationery of Mann, Brown & Bauman, Certified Public Accountants, lists the current chairman of the U.S. Labor Party, Mr. Konstandinos Kalimtgis, as controlling 55 percent of the partnership operating income and over 60 percent of total capital accounts.

Kalimtgis, who also uses the names "Gus Axios" and "Costas Axios," has long been the closest and most trusted aide of USLP founder Lyndon Hermyle LaRouche, Jr. Party documents identified Kalimtgis for many years as the USLP chief of staff. In September 1979, he replaced LaRouche as titular chairman so that LaRouche could enter the 1980 Presidential primaries as a "Democrat."

Kalimtgis' domination of Computron dates back to the firm's founding in 1973, according to his own testimony in Morris County (N.J.) Criminal Court. Kalimtgis was arrested with two comrades in December of that year, on charges of carrying firearms without a permit (police discovered the weapons when they stopped and searched the car in which the three were traveling). In their May 1975 trial, which resulted in two convictions later overturned on appeal, Kalimtgis identified himself as "the owner of Computron" and described his direct involvement in the firm's work at the time of his arrest ("I wrote programs, developed systems...") He also identified the current president of Computron, Andreas Typaldos, as his business partner, and said the two of them had been working together on a software contract the day of his arrest. [See note at end of article.]

The USLP chief's continuing role at Computron was revealed in an apartment application he filed in July 1978 at a luxury apartment building ("The Century") in Riverdale, N.Y. Again describing himself as Computron's owner, he claimed an annual salary of $56,000. An attached credit report quoted Andreas Typaldos (already a resident of the Century) as saying that Kalimtgis was the major stockholder in the firm and had been a vice president for the preceding four and a half years, paid via "salary and profits."

USLP defectors who worked with Kalimtgis on a daily basis at party headquarters during the years in question, strongly deny that Kalimtgis functioned as a fulltime Computron executive. "He spent the majority of his time on party business," said a spokesman for the defectors. "If he was getting a full salary from Computron, it represented in part a reimbursement for party work."

One of Kalimtgis' most visible party capers was a four-week national speaking tour in 1977, in which he was accompanied by Col. Tom McCrary, the chairman of the ultraconservative Independent Party of Georgia. The following year, Kalimtgis joined with two comrades to write the 400-page USLP book Dope, Inc., which attempts to prove that Jews control the world narcotics traffic. While Kalimtgis was pursuing these extracurricular activities, Typaldos and other Computron executives were making him rich. The above-mentioned credit report on Kalimtgis quotes Typaldos as saying that his partner earned over $144,000 in the first five months of 1978 and would probably earn "over $300,000" by the end of the year. (In 1979, according to software trade publications, Computron reported sales of $5 million.)

The growth of Computron has been aided, USLP defectors say, by a party decision to conceal the firm's political connections. For instance, Computron moved out of USLP headquarters in 1977 to offices of its own at 888 Seventh Ave. and party members at the firm were reportedly ordered to keep their mouths shut about politics in the presence of clients and nonparty employees.

Apparently as a result of the policy, Kalimtgis began to stay away from the Computron offices--especially after the firm moved once again to 810 Seventh Ave. (its current headquarters). Said one Computron employee: "He only comes around occasionally to chat with Andy or other party members who work here."

Kalimtgis is able to monitor the firm on a day-to-day basis, however, through his wife Chrissa (also a party member), who is the Computron office manager. "Chrissa has her office in the back, beside Andy's," said our source. "She's the one who writes the checks."

The 1977 financial report cited above lists Andreas Typaldos as controlling 45 percent of the operating income. As president of the firm, his political role is reportedly the opposite of his partner's. "The National Executive Committee [highest organ of the USLP--ed.] expects Andy to concentrate on making money and to avoid any political moves that would jeopardize company sales," said one USLP defector.

In line with this assignment, Typaldos and his wife Renee, both of whom are plaintiffs in the Computron suit against Our Town, use the alias "Reniotis" inside the party. In Our Town's previous article on Computron, we pointed out that the telephone number for Andreas and Renee Reniotis listed in the USLP internal directory is the same as the Bronx Telephone Directory number for Andreas Typaldos at 2600 Netherland Ave. ("The Century"). Since then, we have obtained a 1977 business card of the Computron president, listing two office addresses. One of them is Suite 1104 at 231 W. 29th St. in Manhattan, part of the space rented at the time by the USLP for use as a national headquarters.

We have also interviewed more than a dozen personal acquaintances and former party comrades of the Typaldoses, all of whom confirmed that the Computron president and his wife are deeply involved in the USLP. And we have uncovered several instances in which the USLP activities of the Typaldoses have become, under their real names, a matter of public record:

  • On Jan. 3, 1974, Renee Typaldos was arraigned in Manhattan Criminal Court, together with five other party members (one of whom is now a Computron employee), on charges of kidnapping a woman defector and holding her against her will for three days in a Washington Heights apartment. According to the New York Times account, the defector only escaped by throwing a note out the window to a passing stranger, who notified the police. The charges were later dismissed after the defector decided not to testify (reportedly, she felt pity for her former comrades).
  • On Sept. 2, 1977, Renee Typaldos signed her real name to an affidavit of service in a New York Federal District Court suit, affirming that she had served papers on the plaintiff on behalf of defendant National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC), cadre organization of the USLP. Again, on Nov. 1, 1977, she signed an affidavit of service in another New York Federal District Court suit, this time on behalf of Lyndon LaRouche and several other USLP members who are suing former FBI directors Clarence Kelley and Edward Levy. (In both instances, the lawyer representing the USLP side was David Heller, Computron's staff attorney.)
  • In February 1979, Renee Typaldos was included in a list of prospective witnesses submitted by the plaintiffs in LaRouche v. Kelley. The list is composed of individuals who are expected to testify on how they have been harassed or persecuted by the FBI as a result of their USLP membership.
  • In December 1979, Renee Typaldos made a contribution of $200 to Citizens for LaRouche (CFL), the USLP leader's 1980 presidential campaign committee. The contribution is included in records filed with the Federal Election Commission as part of a CFL matching funds application.
  • In January 1979, a credit card belonging to Andreas Typaldos was used by the LaRouche campaign to pay for their New York to Washington D.C. air fares, and two rooms for two days at the Washington Hilton. The debt to Typaldos of $1,086.62 was noted in the campaign committee's July 10, 1979 quarterly report to the FEC.

As to the use of the pseudonyms: Renee "Reniotis" is an occasional reporter for New Solidarity, the USLP newspaper; while Andreas "Reniotis" is an important advisor in the party’s inner councils (reportedly he belongs to the National Committee, one step beneath the NEC).

Our Town has obtained a copy of a 13-page memorandum prepared for the NEC by "A. Reniotis" and dated Nov; 3, 1974, when Andreas Typaldos was already the president of Computron. The memorandum, entitled "Organization (Part I--Intelligence)," is a proposal for streamlining the party's intelligence work along "process management" lines. The author asks "Are we now...working out the 'technical' implications of depending less and less on [press clippings], of developing shrewder investigative methods, of secure intelligence transmissions, etc...?" He then suggests various improvements, including "possible computerization" of the party's intelligence files.

"We have an idle 5 million char. disk capacity waiting," he boasts, referring (according to USLP defectors) to a computer lent to Computron by a leading hardware manufacturer.

The defectors say the idea of computerizing the intelligence sector's thousands of files and dossiers was rejected after considerable discussion. "We just didn't have the manpower," said one source. But he also recalled that the Reniotis proposal had helped to stimulate use of the Computron computer to keep track of USLP literature sales and other party business. "People from the operations and finance sectors were at the computer terminal in Room 1104 every day of the week," he said, referring to the 1975-1977 period.

According to the 1977 Computron financial report, Typaldos and Kalimtgis controlled 100 percent of the firm's operating income. But the report also listed a Computron vice president, Gennaro Vendome, as a minor third partner. Vendome has been with Computron since 1973, but defectors from the USLP say he has never been a party member. Nevertheless, Federal Election Commission records show that, as of Jan. 25, 1980, he had contributed $600 to LaRouche's presidential campaign, and his wife had contributed $250.

Computron was incorporated in Delaware in 1978 as Computron Systems Company, Inc. In 1979, it changed its name to Computron Technologies Corporation but continued to conduct most of its business as Computron Systems Co., now described as a "division" of Computron Technologies. Apparently, all this had little effect on the actual control of the firm: In an interview with Computer Systems News (Feb. 4, 1980) Gennaro Vendome described the firm as being run today by himself and the two partners with whom he founded it in 1973. The article does not name the other two partners, but from the evidence. above, Vendome could only have been referring to Kalimtgis and Typaldos.

Under Delaware law, a privately held corporation is not required to list its shareholders. However, Computron did provide the Delaware Secretary of State with a list of the members of its board of directors; and it would appear from this list that the USLP is in the saddle: four out of six members are longtime trusted party cadre, and the remaining two have been identified by USLP defectors as politically sympathetic to the party. In addition, all of the non-owners on the board are Computron executives, dependent on the three "partners" for their livelihoods.

Vendome and Typaldos are included on the list, but Kalimtgis is not. The other four members are:

  • Mark Stahlman, Computron vice-president for research and development. He is a longtime member of the USLP/NCLC and formerly served on its security staff. According to defectors, he continued to sit in on security's weekly staff meetings even after being hired by Computron. "He was the electronics expert," said one source. Records of the New York Public Service Commission show that on Sept. 21, 1976, Stahlman appeared on behalf of NCLC (as its "technical advisor") at an informal PSC hearing held to adjust a $22,000 NCLC phone bill. When the USLP/NCLC moved to its current headquarters in February 1979, Stahlman reportedly advised the organization on questions relating to the installation of new centrex and telex systems. Stahlman writes on occasion for New Solidarity and is listed in the party's internal phone directory.
  • Paul Teitelbaum, executive vice-president of Computron. He is also a long time USLP/NCLC member and is listed in the internal phone directory. According to party defectors, he served on the security staff both before and after being hired by Computron. In 1976, he conducted a USLP daily news program ("New Solidarity World News") on Channel C in New York City. In the application filed with Teleprompter, he is identified as the show's "producer" with a telephone number at USLP headquarters. In March 1979, his American Express credit card was used by Citizens for LaRouche to rent rooms for LaRouche and three aides at a Detroit hotel (a subsequent campaign finances report to the FEC lists the debt to Teitelbaum as $1,357.96).
  • Fletcher James, Computron vice president. He is also a longtime USLP/NCLC member, and he is listed in the internal phone directory. His wife, Marilyn James, is a former security staffer and writes frequently for party publications. In the preface of Dope, Inc., Fletcher James' employer, Kalimtgis, acknowledges Marilyn James as one of three researchers (including also a Computron systems analyst) who supplied the "core" of this anti-Semitic tract.
  • Elias Typaldos, Computron vice-president and brother of Andreas Typaldos. He is listed in the USLP internal phone directory, and party defectors describe him as "a former member who remains sympathetic." He is the only Computron board member, however, who is not listed in FEC files as having lent or contributed money to the LaRouche presidential campaign.

The USLP's influence at Computron is by no means restricted to the above individuals. A Los Angeles Times article on Feb. 16, 1980, quoted LaRouche as saying that "about forty" of his followers work for Computron. Total staff of the computer firm, according to industry publications, is 85.

Not surprisingly, support for LaRouche's presidential campaign is evident on all levels of the Computron staff. According to FEC records, 22 employees of the firm including 3 vice presidents, 5 systems analysts, 11 programmers, the office manager, and the staff attorney contributed a total of $6,510 to Citizens for LaRouche between Jan. 1 and Nov. 26, 1979. This was almost 20 percent of all LaRouche campaign funds contributed in New York State during the eleven-month period. And it was followed by additional contributions in December and January, including one from Daniel LaRouche, 22 year old son of the candidate, who works as a programmer in Computron's main office.

LaRouche has also benefited from a lenient Computron credit policy. In 1976, when he ran for President on the USLP ticket, the firm extended credit of $4,650 (for computer services) to the Committee to Elect LaRouche President (CELP). As of the fall of 1979, FEC records show that $3,800 was still owed and no payments had been made since early 1977. There is no record in New York State courts that Computron has ever taken legal action regarding this debt.

In May 1977, the FEC launched an investigation into debts of over $30,000 owed by the LaRouche campaign to two other USLP business fronts: Campaigner Publications and New Solidarity International Press Service. The FEC believed some of these debts might constitute illegal in-kind contributions, since the two businesses shared office space and common personnel with CELP and the USLP during the 1976 campaign. In June 1977, the FEC subpoenaed the records of both corporations, but they refused to comply. As of May 1980, they were still resisting a Federal District Court order to open their books.

Computron also shared office space and common personnel with CELP and the USLP in 1976, but was not incorporated at the time and hence was not subject to the laws limiting corporate spending. Computron's relationship to the 1980 LaRouche campaign, however, may merit scrutiny: The Feb. 1980 quarterly filing of Citizens for LaRouche (CFL) reveals that Computron has extended credit of $9,000 to the campaign for "computer program and setup" and "computer services," in spite of the 1976 debt.

Computron may have given other forms of aid to LaRouche's electoral bids. An FBI surveillance memorandum from 1976, released under the Freedom of Information Act, reports on a conference held by the USLP at the Town and Campus Restaurant in Elizabeth, N.J., in October 1976, featuring a presidential campaign speech by LaRouche. According to the report, "LaRouche arrived in a 1974 Peugot, New Jersey license 783 FMT, registered to Computron Systems Co., 2125 Center Ave., Fort Lee, N.J." (The address in Fort Lee was Computron's New Jersey branch office, which has since moved to a larger space in Secaucus.)

In addition, Our Town has unraveled the byzantine tale of how LaRouche moved into the Century in Riverdale. As told by USLP defectors and by sources in the building--and documented by rental office records--the story runs as follows: In 1977, Andreas and Renee Typaldos moved into the Century. In July 1978, Mr. Typaldos recommended Konstandinos and Chrissa Kalimtgis for an apartment and also requested an apartment on the same floor to be rented in the name of Computron. Typaldos said the latter apartment would be used by a Mr. and Mrs. LaRouche. (Mr. LaRouche was reportedly described as a "money man" the firm was bringing over from Europe.) But then, apparently, the Computron owners decided to exercise greater discretion. They told the rental office to forget the Computron application, cross out the names of Mr. and Mrs. LaRouche, and rent the apartment directly to Kalimtgis, to be used as a study and for entertaining company guests. The leases were signed (with Typaldos as guarantor on the lease for the Kalimtgis family apartment) and the Kalimtgises moved in. But then a second couple unexpectedly moved into the business apartment. The rental office was informed that this couple was Mr. and Mrs. Henke, and that Mr. Henke was a Computron executive. In fact, Mr. Henke (Uwe Henke von Parpart) was an operative of the USLP National Executive Committee, not a Computron employee, and lived in Upper Manhattan, not in Riverdale. The real occupants of the business apartment were Lyndon LaRouche and Helga Zepp-LaRouche, who moved in with a shotgun and round-the-clock security guards. (The coven was completed in November, when Computron vice presidents Stahlman and Teitelbaum also rented an apartment in the Century.)

Before long, rumors began to spread among the building staff, as LaRouche was observed passing in and out with his stony-faced security guards, and as the FBI began to prowl around asking questions. When Our Town's Sept. 9, 1979 article appeared, the management of the Century finally decided to take action. Kalimtgis was told that the LaRouche couple's occupancy was in violation of the lease and that the apartment must be vacated. Without a strong case to stop eviction proceedings, the, LaRouches moved out quietly in late October. New Solidarity, however, later romanticized the incident, claiming that assassination threats were the cause of the move. The USLP paper blamed it all on Our Town, saying that we had published LaRouche's address (in fact, we had only noted a "rumor" that LaRouche lived in the building).

With the rumor confirmed by LaRouche's own paper, the question immediately presents itself: Was LaRouche, who campaigned for the presidency throughout his stay in the Century, actually getting an illegal campaign contribution in the form of free rent? Sources within the building say that the rent was paid by Kalimtgis and that the final check (after the LaRouche’s moved out) was accompanied by a letter from Chrissa Kalimtgis on Computron stationery. It is doubtful if LaRouche was reimbursing the Kalimtgises or Computron for these payments: Although rent on the apartment was over $8,500 per year, LaRouche's total personal income in 1979 was only $6,000 according to a financial disclosure statement he filed with the FEC in February 1980.

Computron's close links to the LaRouche campaign are paralleled by its links to various party front organizations, such as World Composition Services, New Solidarity International Press Service, and the Fusion Energy Foundation (FEF).

The FEF, which is the party's tool for pro-nuclear power propaganda, occupies Suite 2404 at 888 Seventh Ave., formerly an office of Computron. One of its three directors, Steven Bardwell, is a Computron systems analyst. In addition, Computron helps to subsidize FEF via advertisements in Fusion, the FEF's monthly magazine. The symbiotic relationship of FEF and Computron was indicated by an article in New Solidarity early in 1979, announcing that the FEF had developed a computer model for economic forecasting based on the ideas of Lyndon LaRouche. Credit for the breakthrough was given to Computron systems analyst Bardwell and to Uwe Henke von Parpart, that ubiquitous operative described in USLP publications and elsewhere as FEF director of research, USLP director of research, Computron director of research, and a graduate of the West German Naval Academy. According to USLP defectors, the pair developed the model with the help of Computron facilities.

Quick to jump on the bandwagon was the New Solidarity International Press Service, LaRouche's "private political intelligence gathering agency," which is staffed in large part by the spouses of Computron employees. The Mar. 20, 1979 issue of Executive Intelligence Review (EIR), a weekly magazine of the NSIPS which targets corporate board rooms at a subscription price of $400 per year, announced that it would begin publishing its own "computer-generated indices of economic performance and potential" and "computer simulations of regional and sectoral economic activity" based on the model. In addition, the magazine offered "computer simulations of questions of interest to EIR's clients" which would be "undertaken on a special contract basis." It is not difficult to guess the computer firm to which EIR would subcontract such jobs.

Conversations with past and present Computron employees, as well as USLP national office defectors, indicate a variety of ways in which the existence of Computron is a direct prop for the USLP.

First, the software firm provides salaries for several party functionaries who reportedly spend a major portion of their working hours on party business. One example, of course, is Kalimtgis. Another is Ed Spannaus, a founding member of the party, who serves as its national ballot security specialist while employed at Computron as a documentation writer. (Our sources also point to the ambiguous role of Computron's staff attorney, Mr. Heller, who maintains a second office at USLP headquarters and is currently handling several complicated suits for the party.)

Second, a Computron salary sometimes gives the USLP two workers for the price of one. In at least a dozen cases, Computron employees have spouses working fulltime for the party or for party front groups, either as volunteers or on small stipends. "The Computron salary makes this possible," claimed one defector, pointing out that most party couples live very modestly in Washington Heights or Inwood apartments, have no children, and almost never take vacations. "It's a no-frills life," he said.

Third, the existence of Computron acts as a safety valve for the party. When a party operative begins to develop doubts and the "persona-stripping" therapy sessions fail to whip him back into line, the offer of a job at Computron may prevent him from defecting. Relieved from the onerous duties of political organizing, he is plunked down in the clean, well-lit, low-pressure environment of Computron, surrounded by his old friends, with Renaissance paintings on the wall and the piped-in music of Mozart and Beethoven. Here he can remain, doubts and all, just so long as he doesn't openly challenge the party line. According to former members who have made a full break, this tactic has saved the USLP from many an embarrassing defection--and from many an embarrassing revelation of party secrets.

Fourth, USLP defectors charge that profits from Computron and other party-controlled businesses are laundered illegally into the party's coffers. This allegation has become a matter of public record in a New York State Supreme Court suit in which three party loyalists (two of them Computron employees) are suing two defectors for control of a small research firm which holds a patent on a water desalination process. In a sworn affidavit on May 29, 1979, defector Eric Lerner, head of the research firm, told the court that "it is the policy of the USLP to use channels for funding of USLP." He went on to describe a face-to-face conversation in July 1977 with Uwe Henke von Parpart (who oversees the party's finances on behalf of the National Executive Committee): "I was informed by...Henke...that a data processing company, Computron, was funnel money into the USLP. I was repeatedly informed by various members of the National Executive Committee, including...Henke...that my firm would be expected to funnel future profits into the USLP in a manner similar to that already used with Computron."

Whatever the truth about Computron's finances, strong documentary evidence exists that the corporation's policies are based on the blind fanaticism of the LaRouche worldview. In its libel suit against Our Town, Computron includes two New York Times reporters and attorney Roy Cohn as defendants, thus indicating agreement with the bizarre USLP viewpoint (expressed in LaRouche's own suit against the same defendants and in various USLP newspaper articles and leaflets) that the ongoing Our Town series is motivated by a "conspiracy" of these defendants.

Indeed, the Computron suit takes matters further than the LaRouche suit by including as a defendant Irwin Suall, the fact-finding director of B'nai B’rith's Anti-Defamation League. Mr. Suall and the ADL have long been targets of hate propaganda by the USLP and the USLP's allies in the anti-Semitic Liberty Lobby.

As to the purpose of the alleged conspiracy, New Solidarity and LaRouche say the defendants intended to finger LaRouche for assassination because of his opposition to "Zionism." The Computron suit adopts a similar theory, alleging that Computron president Typaldos and his family have been threatened with assassination and kidnapping, all at the direct behest of Defendants.

Note on Konstandinos Kalimtgis' Morris County, N.J. trial: One of Kalimtgis' co-defendants was Zeke Boyd, a former Black Panther Deputy Defense Minister who switched to the USLP and is now Lyndon LaRouche's bodyguard. Defectors from the USLP say that Kalimtgis and Boyd played a leading role in Operation Mop-Up, a series of over sixty violent attacks by USLP security squads in 1973 against members of Communist groups. At the time of their Morris County arrest, Kalimtgis and Boyd were on their way to visit one Ronald Kastner (according to Kalimtgis' testimony). Kastner was later identified in the Albany Times as the owner of a farm near Argyle, New York, which was used in 1974 to conduct paramilitary training for American, West German, and Mexican cadre of the LaRouche organization. Today, Kastner is a top executive of World Composition Services, the USLP's typesetting firm, which is listed as a client of Computron in the latter's 1979 sales brochure.

How Our Town Fought Lyndon LaRouche:

Weekly’s investigative articles probed activities of notorious ultra-right politician


(Our Town, 35th anniversary edition, May 26, 2005)

On a hot afternoon in late July 1979, I sat in Our Town’s basement office on York Avenue discussing with publisher Ed Kayatt an idea for a freelance series. I wanted to take a close look at Lyndon LaRouche, an anti-Semitic cult leader with headquarters in midtown Manhattan, who appeared to be emerging as a major player on the U.S. ultra-right. Little did I or Kayatt know that we would be embarking on a seven-year odyssey that would involve multiple lawsuits, death threats, street demonstrations, national media attention and, eventually, an FBI investigation that would put LaRouche and over a dozen of his followers behind bars.

The first article (August 26, 1979) presented a summary of LaRouche’s under-the-radar political achievements and argued that his brand of anti-Semitism was far more dangerous than that of conventional swastika-wearing neo-Nazis. LaRouche, the article said, had devised sophisticated new tactics and rhetoric, and had managed to recruit educated followers.

The article attracted major attention in the Jewish community, but also elicited a sharp response from LaRouche’s minions, who issued leaflets saying it was all a plot by the “Zionists” (whom LaRouche personally vowed to “destroy” in retaliation). The LaRouche organization filed a $20 million libel suit (it would be dismissed with prejudice in 1981), visited local banks to demand that they stop allowing the distribution of our “Zionist rag” on their premises, and launched a campaign of telephone harassment, including death threats, that would continue for years.

Article after article over the following months (there would be 12 in all) outlined the LaRouche organization’s grass-roots electoral inroads from Oregon to Virginia, its ties to hoodlums, its secret control of a large Manhattan software company that serviced some of the nation’s biggest corporations (this revelation would soon result in the company filing for bankruptcy relief), its paramilitary training activities, and its links to the South African apartheid regime. Perhaps the most important article described how LaRouche was pouring massive amounts of money into an effort to gain a significant percentage of the vote for himself in the 1980 Democratic presidential primary in New Hampshire.

Some of these articles had not been planned as part of the original series, but resulted from tips provided by former LaRouchians who made a beeline for our office once they realized someone was finally on the case. We also received information from LaRouche’s landlord, from a psychoanalyst who remembered LaRouche, and from two brave Teamsters Union dissidents who provided documentation that the LaRouchians were working with their local’s mobbed-up leadership. Also, we were sent a hefty package with no return address that contained the general ledger of a LaRouche-controlled business.

The series attracted national attention, and The New York Times did a two-part front-page series that not only confirmed our findings but uncovered things we’d missed. When newspapers in New Hampshire took heed, LaRouche’s dreams of winning a large percentage of the primary vote faded.

Over the next few years, Our Town ran frequent editorials calling for action against LaRouche. It also continued with news articles, focusing as much as possible on the neighborhood angle. In 1982, it reported that LaRouche had moved into a townhouse on Sutton Place with his bodyguards. When the Jewish War Veterans, including Kayatt, picketed in front of the residence, it was the final straw for Der Abscheulicher (the Abominable One), as LaRouche had called himself. He decided to start looking for new headquarters in Virginia.

His followers, however, continued to harass Our Town by sending imposters to its office and by circulating literature claiming Kayatt was a mobster and I was a drug dealer.

Our Town also provided ongoing help on the LaRouche story to the national media. In 1984, Our Town managing editor Kalev Pehme, Kayatt and myself cooperated with NBC-TV producer Patricia Lynch on an expose for “First Camera.” Lynch’s brilliant investigating revealed for the first time that LaRouche had established high-level contacts in the Reagan administration. The White House promptly put an end to the relationship.

Although LaRouche continued to make electoral gains around the country (in 1986 followers of his won the Democratic primary nominations for Lt. Governor. and Secretary of State in Illinois), his downfall was already looming. Our Town had run a story in 1985 about how his fundraisers had ripped off an elderly woman in New Jersey; unfortunately, we did not yet know that the LaRouche organization was running similar scams on well-to-do seniors from Alaska to Florida.

The FBI began to investigate, and in 1986 over 200 federal, state and local law enforcement officers raided LaRouche’s headquarters in Virginia. LaRouche was indicted along with about 25 of his followers. More than a dozen (including a former KKK grand dragon) were sent to prison on various charges. LaRouche himself ended up serving five years for loan fraud and income tax evasion.

LaRouche’s organization still exists, but it has never recovered the broad appeal it enjoyed briefly in the mid-1980s. LaRouche is 84 years old now, still dreams of seizing power-and still curses the name of a community weekly called Our Town.

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