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In the early 1980s, Roy Frankhouser became the poster boy for the NCLC's connections to the far right after he became a paid consultant to the NCLC's Security Staff. Here, however, I am only interested in understanding Frankhouser's background and the origins of his links to the NCLC when, in 1975, the group began claiming that Frankhouser's had been a secret agent for the United States National Security Council (NSC), and that he was being framed by the government after he uncovered a secret pro-Palestinian "Black September" terrorist network in Canada.
THE QUESTION OF BLACK SEPTEMBER
In September 1970, Jordanian military forces brutally suppressed an attempted Palestinian revolt against King Hussein. This event was dubbed "Black September" by the Palestinians. The PLO then organized a clandestine organization also called "Black September" to carry out terrorist acts in the West, most famously the Munich Olympics massacre in September 1972. At the same time, letter bombs were sent to Israeli officials around the world. This organization was headed by the "Red Prince" Ali Hassan Salameh, who later began cooperating with the CIA until his assassination by Israeli agents in January 1979.
Whether the "Black September" cell Frankhouser claimed to have encountered in Canada was part of a pro-PLO terror network -- or a figment of his imagination -- demands further investigation. It seems clear, however, that his information was deemed credible enough that he came under pressure to share his findings with both the FBI and RCMP. Given his bizarre background and controversial past, the fact that Frankhouser would be taken seriously itself seems astonishing. But, as we shall see, Frankhouser claimed to have enjoyed a decades-long role as a paid informant for different local and federal law enforcement agencies inside the United States.
ROOTS OF A SPY
Born on 4 November 1939, Roy Frankhouser grew up in Reading, Pennsylvania, a coal-mining town not far from Philadelphia.1 He dropped out of Northwest Junior High in the 10th grade. A Hitler groupie since his teens, Frankhouser would knock on doors of WWII vets to get old Nazi flags, helmets, swastikas, or Iron Crosses. After leaving school, Frankhouser enlisted in the U.S. Army as a paratrooper in the 82nd Airborne. A 1965 HUAC report states that Frankhouser served in the Army from 1959 to 1960 and received an honorable discharge. His discharge papers, however, show that he had been released from the military on 18 November 1957.
After leaving the Army, Frankhouser threw himself into the murky world of the ultra-right. The New York Times reported that Frankhouser became affiliated with the KKK as early as 1958.2 That same year he was arrested in Atlanta on charges of assaulting a police officer during a KKK rally. In 1961 he attended the "Institute for Bio-Politics," a Nazi-front organization located in Chicago. He also became a leading figure in the National States Rights Party (NSRP). In September 1961 he visited Atlanta and stayed at the homes of NSRP members who had recently been acquitted of bombing a Jewish synagogue there. Frankhouser also joined George Lincoln Rockwell's American Nazi Party. In 1962, however, he broke with Rockwell and denounced him – apparently without a hint of irony – as "completely ruthless" and "dictatorial." 3
Frankhouser next joined an American Nazi Party splinter group called the American National Party founded by two of Rockwell's ex-storm troopers, Dan Burros and John Patler. Burros would wind up committing suicide in Frankhouser's home in 1965 while Patler would murder Rockwell two years later. Frankhouser also acted both as a Pennsylvania Grand Dragon for Robert Shelton's United Klans of America (UKA) as well as a high level official of the Robert DuPugh's Minutemen. In both the UKA and Minutemen, Frankhouser claimed to specialize in security and counterintelligence. In October 1965, for example, Frankhouser addressed a New York KKK gathering along with Eugene Tabbutt, the Pennsylvania-based Imperial Director of the Klan Bureau of Investigations (KBI), the counter-intelligence wing of Shelton's UKA.4
It is almost impossible to know just how many far right groups Frankhouser joined. In his court testimony in Philadelphia in 1974 on charges of dynamite smuggling, Frankhouser claimed that he had been a member of over 40 such groups inside the United States. To make matters even more complicated, he said he often did so at the behest of the government. As a 15 September 1975 Washington Star article by Norman Kempster noted:
Although he does not deny sharing the racist views of the KKK and the Nazis, Frankhouser said that he joined many right-wing groups at the suggestion of state and federal law enforcement agencies - the FBI, the Mississippi highway patrol and others. He said his associations with law enforcement go back 15 or 20 years.
Before his connection to LaRouche, Frankhouser was best known for the fact that in 1965 a 28 year-old long-time Nazi activist named Dan Burros shot himself in Frankhouser's Reading home. Frankhouser had recruited Burros into the KKK in the late summer of 1965. Burros then became New York State Grand Dragon and King Kleagle (organizer) for Shelton's UKA.5 Like Frankhouser, Burros served as a U.S. Army paratrooper. He entered the service in 1955 but was released as unfit for duty in 1958.6 He, too, threw himself into neo-Nazi activity and may have first met Frankhouser when they were fellow "storm troopers" in George Lincoln Rockwell's American Nazi Party. After Burros and Patler's tiny American National Party fell apart, Burros joined James Madole's National Renaissance Party (NRP) as well as the New York chapter of the KKK.
On 31 October 1965, Burros killed himself with a .32 revolver on the same day that The New York Times published a front page story exposing Burros as coming from a Jewish family in Queens.7 In a speech at a KKK rally in Maryland shortly after Burros' death, Frankhouser declared that Burros was really a gentile and that his parents were gentiles who, for some unknown reason, decided to have a Jewish wedding ceremony.8 In the same speech, Frankhouser declared:
Burros was a great patriot. He was smeared by the papers. To protect the Klan he shot himself twice. That takes a lot of courage. Before he shot himself he said, "I must protect the Klan. I will kill myself. Long live the Klan," and then, boom, boom, he was dead. He will be replaced but never forgotten.9
In 1973 a reporter for the Philadelphia Inquirer named John Hilferty visited Roy Frankhouser's house in Reading and noted that it
still bears the trappings of right-wing militarism. Throughout the cluttered building are faded American Flags, Old Teutonic engravings, and paintings, copies of Mein Kampf, small electronic crosses and Bibles associated with the Ku Klux Klan movement, the Klan charter on the wall, anti-Semitic literature including the pamphlets saying, "None Dare Call It Jewish," shiny Army helmets emblazoned with decorative American eagles . . . and guns. Pistols and rifles are tucked in every corner, including under a mattress in a bed on the second floor. A small, crude pistol range has been set up in the cellar, where Minutemen fire live bullets into department store manikins.10
This unlikely setting also doubled as a church since Frankhouser was a "minister" in Robert Miles Catharist racial religion, The Mountain Church of Jesus Christ. Along with his church, Frankhouser ran a Minuteman camp in the area that had been raided by the government more than once. On 9 September 1970, for example, a search warrant was issued by the ATF in an attempt to find out if camp was being used by the Minutemen to make hand grenades.11
Frankhouser's Minuteman camp first attracted national attention following a June 1969 article in Playboy entitled "The Paramilitary Right" by Eric Norden. Norden had visited the camp when Frankhouser was leading a practice raid to "blow up an underground vault full of arms and ammunition." Frankhouser told Norden that the Minutemen planned to destroy the weapons dump because they had been tipped off that the FBI was planning to raid the camp in a few days. Norden reported that the bunker in question held several four-foot long rockets with a range of 30 miles as well as a chemical closet for making nitroglycerin. Frankhouser even boasted to Norden:
"We've got hundreds of bunkers like this all over the country . . . all of them packed with machine guns, mortars and automatic weapons – and that's in addition to the caches of arms we wrap in plastic and bury underground."
FROM THE READING BOMBING TO BLACK SEPTEMBER
In 1970, the U.S. Treasury Department's Alcohol Tobacco and Firearms Division (ATF) sent its first permanent agent to Reading, a 20-year ATF veteran named Edward Slamon, to investigate the bombing of synagogues and the Jewish Community Center there.12
One obvious suspect in the attacks was Roy Frankhouser, whom Slamon first met in May 1970. Two years later, Slamon's suspect became one of his informants. Slamon and Frankhouser began regularly meeting at a local Reading hangout called Jimmy Kramer's Peanut Bar. Then in the fall of 1972, Frankhouser convinced Slamon to make him a paid ATF informer. Over time, Frankhouser began hinting to Slamon that he could help the ATF uncover a gun-smuggling ring in Reading. On 22 September 1972, he worked out a deal with Slamon to become a paid ATF informant. Slamon was quoted as saying: "I told him [Frankhouser] at the time that our primary interests were the militant groups that were very active – the black militants, the JDL (Jewish Defense League), the IRA (Irish Republican Army), and the Black September . . . Roy told me that he had connections in almost every group."13
In October 1972, Frankhouser informed Slamon that he had made contact with members of the Black September network. In 1974, Slamon testified in Court about the purpose of Frankhouser's mission: "Of course, the idea was to find out what the Black September group was planning with regard to skyjackings or assassinations and so forth."14 In a 7 November 1972 letter to his ATF bosses in Washington, Slamon reported:
My initial contact with confidential informant Roy Frankhouser (Code Name: Ronnie) was on September 22, 1972, in Lebanon, Pa.
At this meeting, Ronnie informed me that he had excellent contacts with the "El Fatah" and Black September movements and also the Minutemen and KKK and could develop, if requested, excellent sources within the Jewish Defense League.
Also at this meeting, Ronnie agreed to cooperate with our Bureau if we would agree to three conditions: 1) his identity would remain undisclosed to anyone; 2) he would be reimbursed for any expenses incurred; and 3) he would be adequately rewarded for any information he supplied and which our bureau deemed reliable. . . . He stated that he had severed all relationships with other Federal enforcement agencies. This point was dwelled on and explored at length.15
Frankhouser informed Slamon that he was preparing to go on a KKK speaking tour that would take him to Buffalo where he would meet "a Federal Firearms Dealer named Johnston" who, Frankhouser claimed, "had excellent connections in the 'El Fatah' and Black September movements." Frankhouser's tantalizing offer couldn't simply be dismissed out of hand. Earlier that same month, Black September terrorists had brutally murdered Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympics. Montreal was scheduled to host the 1976 summer Olympics. As for Canada in general, it had a large Arabic community, particularly in Toronto. Frankhouser may have calculated that if he offered the government the chance of receiving information on the activity of Black September – a group that the government knew almost nothing about – the chances that the ATF would arrest him for other crimes he might be involved with in Reading would be neutralized by his "informant" status.
FRANKHOUSER'S REPORTS ON BLACK SEPTEMBER
When Slamon again met Frankhouser in Reading on 26 October following Frankhouser's KKK tour, the Klansman-turned-informant told him that while he was in Buffalo
he was contacted by a man named Blenheim (code name) who worked for a newspaper in Toronto, Canada. Blenheim invited Ronnie to visit him in Toronto. At this meeting Blenheim informed Ronnie that he represented a Black September cell operating out of Toronto University.
He stated that the cell may be interested in using Ronnie and his group. Blenheim stated that some members of the cell were under surveillance by the RCMP and could not move freely around Canada and the USA. They felt that they could accomplish their mission by using the services of a rabid anti-Semitic group such as the one Ronnie headed. Ronnie informed him that for the right price he and his group would be interested.
Blenheim stated that at first the [Black] September cell was going to commit a wave of plane hijackings but ruled this out. They then decided that they would kidnap and/or assassinate 7 or 8 of the most prominent Jews in America. Ronnie stated that he felt his group was adequate to the task. It was then agreed that Blenheim would go back to the Black September cell and relate his conversation with Ronnie. Blenheim would then call Ronnie in a week or two and let him know his answer.
In another ATF memo, Slamon reported that Frankhouser identified "Blenheim" as someone named Pat Blednick. Frankhouser visited Toronto in December 1972 and claimed that when he had met with Blednick:
The purpose of the meeting was to determine Ronnie's political beliefs and ideology. At no time during the meeting were terrorist activities discussed. The meeting lasted approximately four hours. A man named "James Peters" did all the talking. Neither Blednick nor the other two Arabs entered into the discussion. Peters informed Ronnie that they were looking for an individual who was not narrow in his political beliefs. In other words, they were not anti-Semitic, they were anti-Zionist. They were not anti-Negro. In fact they have been using or will use Negroes in their operations and that if Ronnie could change his political beliefs he may be of some use to them in their future operations . . . .
The next day Blednick told Frankhouser that Black September was recruiting bomb technicians from the French separatist FLQ. Then
Blednick indicated to Ronnie that the original target date for their terrorist activities was the month of December during the Jewish holidays. Blednick did not specifically state but indicated that internal dissension prevented the objective from being accomplished. Again, Blednick and Ronnie discussed skyjacking at great length.
Frankhouser reported to Slamon that the Black September cell wanted automatic weapons and explosives so that they could "kidnap and/or assassinate Jewish leaders in the Eastern U.S."16 On 10 December 1972, Frankhouser met someone named Cliff Holland:
The meeting with Holland lasted about 25 minutes at which time Holland told Ronnie that he had just returned from the Black September training camp in Syria. Ronnie was told that the major part of the plan was to kidnap and assassinate prominent Zionist leaders here in the US.
On 13 December 1972, Frankhouser said that he had heard about a "Ronald Crips" (phonetic) from Blednick:
Blednick stated that Crips' father was alleged slain by a henchman of the well-known Mafia figure Meyer Lansky on the island of Bermuda. Blednick stated that when Ronnie returned to Toronto, he will be introduced to Crips. Blednick indicated that Crips has tremendous power and influence in Canada and he is also a financial source for the Black September movement.
THE MYSTERIOUS DOCTOR MEHDI
Frankhouser said he was also told that his U.S. contact would be Dr. M.T. Mehdi. He was instructed, however, not to contact the New York City-based Dr. Mehdi until told to do so. The Iraqi-born Dr. M. T. Mehdi – who died in 1998 – held a PhD in political science from the University of California at Berkeley. For decades, he helped organize a series of pro-Arab and pro-Palestinian groups in the United States, in particular the Arab American Relations Committee. He even helped arrange Malcolm X's visit to Mecca. He was also an openly pro-PLO activist. Later in life, he became an adviser to the "Blink Sheikh" Omar Abdel Rahman, who was convicted for helping to plot the first bombing of the World Trade Center
In 1968, Dr. Mehdi, then the secretary general of the Action Committee on American-Arab Relations, published a curious work in the wake of Sirhan Sirhan's assassination of Senator Robert F. Kennedy entitled Kennedy and Sirhan: Why? In it Mehdi writes that
The only reasonable explanation for Sirhan's decision is to bring the tragedy of Palestine to the attention of the American people so that the people of the United States will not continue the strange policy of helping Zionist Jews of Europe and elsewhere to go to the home of the Christian and Moslem people of Palestine.17
By killing Kennedy, "Sirhan was revolting against such politicians who had sold his people to the Zionist Jewish voters."18 Mehdi concludes his work: "It is only the judgment of History which can determine the moral guilt or moral innocence of Sirhan Bishara Sirhan."19 Mehdi's emphasizes that Sirhan's shooting of Robert F. Kennedy should be seen as an understandable political act.
From a 25 February 1998 New York Times obituary for Medhi, who died at the age of 70:
Dr. Mehdi's 1968 book, Kennedy and Sirhan: Why? (New World Press), was described by a critic for The New York Times, Eliot Fremont-Smith, as "truly shocking." In the review, Mr. Fremont-Smith called the work "a bizarre tract sponsored by the Action Committee on American-Arab Relations, which argues that Senator Kennedy was a victim of Zionism and of an 'immoral' exchange of sympathy for Israel for Jewish votes at home, and that in shooting him, Sirhan B. Sirhan acted certainly illegally and unwisely but not necessarily immorally."
Frankhouser told the ATF that Mehdi was very much involved in the alleged Black September network. For example, after Frankhouser returned to Reading, he said he was contacted again by Blednick. Slamon reported:
On Sunday, January 14, 1973, at approximately 10:00 PM, Ronnie received a telephone call from Pat Blednick, Toronto, Canada. Blednick told Ronnie that he should hear something at the end of the month from his people. Ronnie informed Blednick that he intended to make a trip to Toronto sometime near the end of January. At this point the conversation was interrupted by Ronnie's mother who does not want him to use here telephone for his personal business. . . .
After Frankhouser got his own direct phone number – presumably with ATF funds – he called Blednick back:
Ronnie told Blednick the reason for the return call was to give him his new telephone number so he could relay it to the proper people. Blednick asked Ronnie if he had contacted the "Doctor" [presumably Dr. Mehdi] but before Ronnie could answer, Blednick stated, "No, you better not. Let Peters make the arrangements." He then told Ronnie that as soon as he gets to Toronto to contact him and he will make arrangements for him to meet with Peters who will in turn arrange for Ronnie to contact Dr. Mehdi.
By this time Frankhouser had received some $1,300 from the ATF.
THE NSC CONNECTION?
Frankhouser's relations with the ATF collapsed after he was arrested for dynamite smuggling on 21 February 1974. In the September 1974 court proceedings over Frankhouser's status as an AFT informant -- and whether or not his actions had been covered by an immunity deal he had with the ATF -- Frankhouser's attorney, Stanford Shmukler, tried to portray him as a high level government operative.20 Shmukler asked the ATF's Edward Slamon about Frankhouser's informant work. Slamon revealed that he had cleared Frankhouser's trip to Canada with Jack Caulfield, an ATF official who by then was caught up in the Watergate debacle.
From the Shmukler-Slamon court proceedings:
Q: Did you not tell him (Frankhouser) that his participation had been cleared with higher authorities?
A: Yes, sir.
Q: Did you tell him who those higher authorities were?
A: I said Washington.
Q: Did you tell him that you cleared it with the National Security Council and the President, through Mr. Caulfield?
A: Yes, sir.
Q: Mr. Caulfield was what at the time?
A: he was the Assistant Director for Enforcement [at ATF] at the time, sir.
Q: When did he leave the agency, do you remember?
A: I think sometime in 73.
Q: Do you remember when in 73?
A: March or April – May, maybe.
Q: It was about the time when Watergate became a household word and a number of people in Washington were resigning?
A: Yes, sir.
Q: And Mr. Caulfield was one of those people who resigned as a result of the Watergate disclosures?
A: Yes, sir.
THE COURT: What exactly did you tell him about clearing the trip?
THE WITNESS: Because of the international implications, it had to be cleared with the Canadian people; then I reported it to my superior, and it went right down the line to – I guess it's the National Security Council, whatever the name is – it was beyond my level, sir.
THE COURT: What did you tell him?
THE WITNESS: That even the White House was given the go-ahead on this, because of the nature of the investigation.
Q: That was his (Frankhouser's) entire participation in an attempt to contact all these groups, and obtain explosives and so forth?
A: No, sir, this was in connection with the Black September movement in Toronto, Canada.
As Slamon's testimony indicates, the ATF needed clearance from higher authorities to approve any collaboration with a foreign intelligence agency such as the Canadian RCMP. After Shmukler introduced the idea of Frankhouser's trip being cleared with "the National Security Council and the President," Slamon replied, "Yes, sir." He then realizes that he wasn't sure about the exact chain of command in Washington ("it was beyond my level sir") so he states "I guess" it went the NSC.
The higher ups in the ATF, it should be noted, were completely comfortable with Slamon's relations with Frankhouser. After Slamon reported his putting Frankhouser on the ATF payroll, a 3 October 1972 report from ATF headquarters in Washington stated that "we are convinced of both the authenticity and value of information he can supply."21
Yet Shmukler's gambit fell flat because he wanted to try and argue that Frankhouser's later involvement with the Reading dynamite smuggling ring was itself part of his "NSC" assignment "to contact all these groups, and obtain explosives and so forth." However Slamon points out that that any Federal involvement with Frankhouser only involved the "Black September" case. As we shall see, it was Frankhouser who actually broke off his involvement in that investigation in February 1973; in part because he felt he wasn't getting paid enough and in part because he refused to have any dealings with the RCMP.
Shmukler's failed courtroom gambit would be seized upon by the NCLC to portray Frankhouser as a top "NSC agent" operating under Henry Kissinger! Even more absurd, the NCLC claimed that it was Kissinger who was behind Black September terrorism in the first place as part of an elaborate CIA plot to "frame" the Soviet Union for its alleged role in terrorism. Yet Frankhouser actually reported back to the AFT that he believed that "a Black September operation was being directed by Soviet intelligence through the Czechoslovakian legation in Toronto."22
END OF MISSION
Frankhouser's Black September adventure came to an end in early 1973 in a clash over money as well as the fact that Frankhouser was angry that that his involvement with the ATF had been disclosed to agents from both the FBI and RCMP. From a 22 February 1973 ATF memo by Slamon:
On Feb. 13, 1973 . . . I had the following conversation with Ronnie at his home.
Ronnie started by saying that he felt that he was being cheated by our Department. He felt he had supplied us and the Canadian government with substantial information relative to the Black September movement, but did not receive compensation commensurate with the information delivered.
He also stated that by our delaying tactics he missed out on several well paying speaking engagements in the Ohio, Michigan and Toronto area. He became visibly upset and agitated as he spoke. He then stated that his contract with us concerning the Black September Movement had been violated by our actions and therefore was null and void. And under no circumstances would he continue to operate for us against the Movement. I asked him did that mean he would not go up to Canada to talk with the RCMP representatives. He stated, "emphatically not." He went on to say that he would continue to work with me on projects that he could control. He didn't blame me for what happened but felt that "higher ups" botched the thing from the very beginning.
A 13 July 1975 front page Philadelphia Inquirer story by John Hilferty on Frankhouser's involvement with ATF ("How a Nazi-Klansman Became a U.S. Agent") discusses the dispute between Frankhouser and the ATF this way:
The Canadian mission finally collapsed in early 1973 when Slamon told Frankhouser that he had orders from Washington to turn all information over to the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, who were conducting their own investigation of Black September. When asked to cooperate with the Canadians, Frankhouser's response was a blunt "no thanks." Frankhouser also complained of being underpaid.
There may well have been disillusionment on the government's part, too. Slamon had concluded that the mission accomplished little and that Frankhouser never actually penetrated Black September. There has never been Toronto-based terrorism against American Zionists, as was feared.
In reality, Frankhouser never claimed to have "penetrated Black September." However the U.S. government did think his information was important enough to warrant some kind of joint information exchange with the RCMP.
THE LABOR COMMITTEE LOOKS AT BLACK SEPTEMBER
On 3 July 1974 New Solidarity published a huge expose entitled "The Big Busing Plot: CIA Plans Fall Riots, Organizes Both Sides" that accurately highlighted the connections between Miles and Frankhouser, although the sect assumed that both men were working for the U.S. government in a broader conspiracy run by the CIA. The paper reported that:
Klan Grand Dragon, Robert Miles . . . was used by the CIA to pull the extreme right-wing underground into a tightly controlled network. Key to this was Miles' friendship with agent Roy Frankhouser, Grand Dragon of Pennsylvania, with whom Miles was simultaneously working to direct school bombings around desegregation and to bring the extreme right together around such actions. Frankhouser . . . was a major arms and explosives conduit for extremists, some of his material finding its way into the Detroit area. He was also probably responsible for bombings in the black and Puerto Rican ghettos of Reading, Pennsylvania. Frankhouser had previously united the Klans of Pennsylvania, Virginia, the National Renaissance Party and, by implication, the Minutemen of which Frankhouser was regional head.
The paper next discusses in remarkable detail the attempts by the far right to form alliances with the far left through Unity Now:
These semi-legal groups were gathered together in an alliance around a joint regional paramilitary training center [the Minuteman training camp in Pennsylvania -- HH]. Frankhouser also worked with Miles to establish Unity Now, an international organization based in Toronto, run by Wieche Martin [Martin Weiche], leader of the Nazi International. This work accomplished, the two attempted to organize the ultimate CIA control setup – a united front between right and left counter-gangs. Touring together, Miles and Frankhouser started urging that the unified extreme right unify with the extreme left to bring down the government. (My emphasis.) (In what follows I am also using the correct spelling for Weiche's name which the Labor Committee consistently misspelled as "Wieche.")
One of Canada's most crazed Nazis, Martin Weiche, who only died in September 2011, had served in the German war machine during World War II. After emigrating to Canada in the early 1950s, he became an extremely wealthy businessman with extensive real estate holdings. He was also at one time a leading member of the Western Guard, a far right Canadian group that Frankhouser was in regular contact with. (Weiche was also a a former head of the Canadian National Socialist Party.)
Weiche's name pops up at different points in New Solidarity. In the 8 October 1976 issue, a Scott Thompson article describes him this way:
Martin Weiche, an RCMP informant and chief financial conduit to the Western Guard; Weiche is celebrated in right-wing circles as an idiot millionaire with delusions of being the reincarnation of Hitler. Weiche began his career by buying a leadership post in George Lincoln Rockwell's Nazi International.
A 17 July 1978 New Solidarity article ("The Anti-Defamation League: British SIS's Zionist Gestapo") states that:
In the early 1970s, members of the Canadian branch of the WUNS [World Union of National Socialists] headed by Martin Weiche . . . aided British and Israeli intelligence to set up a synthetic Black September unit in Canada. On orders from then National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger, this 'unit' of Black September was to bomb airports along the Canadian-U.S.-border and assassinate 100 second-level Jewish community leaders to build a climate of tension leading up to the 1973 Mideast war.
As for the supposed Black September plot, Frankhouser first claimed that he had discovered that the Soviet Union was really behind the operation and was using the Czech legation in Canada. But in the 14 July 1975 New Solidarity, the argument was made that the National Security Council had a plan to use Soviet weapons "captured in Vietnam, laundered in London, and brought into Toronto and Montreal to be used in a terrorist 'offensive' in the U.S. and Canada in the spring of 1974." This offensive would then be "blamed on the Soviets and socialist countries." In a 17 February 1978 New Solidarity article ("How to Analyze and Uproot International Terrorism"), LaRouche now blamed all Black September terrorism not on the NSC but on a British intelligence operation in which
Captured Soviet weapons were shipped in U.S. wrappings from an airfield depot outside London. They were received in Toronto, Canada, at the premises of a Yemen Airlines office. There, the weapons destined for "Black September" operations in the United States, were inspected under the supervision of a top British agent, an old British Special Operation Executive operative, whose regular assignment is the interface between U.S. Maoist organizations and Peking. [I believe LaRouche is referring to Fanshen author William Hinton who owned a farm in Fleetwood, Pennsylvania, near Reading, and who was very close to the Maoist Revolutionary Union.] The fact that a U.S. intelligence operative [LaRouche means Roy Frankhouser] penetrated this aspect of the operation most probably led to the operation being scrapped.
Stripping away the elaborate conspiracy theory, it seems clear that when Frankhouser began making his trips to Canada as an ATF informant, he did so under the auspices of Unity Now. Surely it was no accident that Frankhouser wound up in Toronto speaking to his "Black September" contacts as that city was, according to the Labor Committee, Unity Now's headquarters. It would further make sense that the supposed "Black September" cell might accept Frankhouser as someone endorsed by Weiche and the Unity Now network around Miles. Indeed, reading the Labor Committee articles, the "Black September" cell that Frankhouser claimed to have exposed sounds very much like a Unity Now endorsed project! Was this why Frankhouser decided to cut all ties to the AFT with regard to Black September after that agency insisted that he had to turn over his information to the RCMP?
FRANKHOUSER, MILES, AND MADOLE
While he was on the AFT payroll working the Black September case, Frankhouser went out of his way to downplay any possible connection that Robert Miles might have played in helping a group like Black September, even though such a policy would be in keeping with the policies advanced by Unity Now. Frankhouser also used his ATF connection to try and help his friend Robert Miles, who at the time had had been convicted of the Pontiac bombings but was still out on appeal. In mid-November 1972, Miles came to Reading with James Madole of the National Renaissance Party (NRP) to address a far right gathering. In a memo read into the court record on 5 September 1974 Slamon reported that
the subjects of speech made by Miles was Zionists and Arabs. James Madole arrived in the Reading area . . . and met with Ronnie and Reverend Miles. Ronnie alleged he has two tapes of the conversations that took place among them . . . . According to Ronnie, Rev. Miles and Madole went to the UN Embassy of the UAR [Egypt] on Friday, November 17, and the subject of their visit is fully covered on the tapes he has available.
Under questioning a day earlier, Slamon described this incident in more detail after he was asked about it by the government prosecutor, J. Clayton Undercoffler:
Q: A taping of what?
A: Conversation. They had a meeting in a motel room in Reading.
Q: Approximately when was this?
A: I don't know, Mr. Undercoffler. Like I say, the only thing they discussed was the Black September Movement, and that Miles said he didn't want to have anything to do with them, they were crazy or something like that. It had no evidentiary or investigative value to me.
Q: Was explosives or automatic weapons discussed in any way?
A: No, but money was discussed. They (Black September) had huge sums of money at their command to purchase the necessary equipment.
Q: Did they discuss it further on the tape?
A: They did, yes; for guns and explosives. I think Miles had been contacted in Michigan. He said he wanted no part of it.
Q: Was Miles described by Frankhouser as other than "Reverend Miles"?
A: Well, yes; Roy told me of his background. He said he was the head of the Klan, or some connection with the Klan in the Michigan area, and that they were responsible for the bombing of school buses in Pontiac.
Since Miles, Madole, and Frankhouser were part of Unity Now, it is not hard to wonder if Frankhouser's "secret" wiretapping of their conversation wasn't meant to provide someone like Miles with a cover story about how "crazy" Black September was since the tape also indicates that Miles had been contacted by someone with some link to Black September in Michigan.
On 15 September 1975, the Washington Star ran a front page article on Frankhouser after the NCLC sponsored a Washington press conference for him. In the press conference, Frankhouser claimed that as an ATF "agent" he spied on Miles. Frankhouser then said that he had taped conversations Miles and other defendants in the Pontiac school bus bombings had with their lawyer, James Wells, and gave the information to the government. Frankhouser then said, "I was part of the framing of several people who went to prison." Frankhouser used his tapes in an effort to get Miles's conviction thrown out. In his 25 November 1986 interview with the investigative journalist Martin Lee, Miles explained Frankhouser's activities this way:
Q: Wasn't Frankhouser also working for the FBI?
A: No, he worked with the ATF. Frankhouser was an informer for the ATF and he never really threw any right-wingers to the wolves but what he did - he took a physical beating from an ATF agent when he turned over tapes of conversations between their control agent and himself to my lawyer. Which we used. And he knew we were gonna use them and he gave them to us. And they stripped him in the restroom of a bar and literally beat the living hell out of him. Once they found out he wasn't wearing a wire. They play rough.
And so what was Frankhouser doing? He was working on gun sales to bikers and gun sales to some of the drug dealers in the Buffalo region. And they sent him to Canada to investigate an Arab group. Because Black September was operating out of Ottawa [Miles presumably means Toronto] at one time. And they had wind of it or something. And somehow the RCMP hadn't been notified of it and they got wind of it and there was flack between the two governments and Frankhouser was dead in the center.
Even Miles believed that there was a potential Black September cell being organized in Canada. It is possible then that Frankhouser was in fact approached by some pro-AI Fatah/Black September activists looking to establish a far right/far left alliance against Israel. Nor is there any doubt that Frankhouser and his cronies had access to weapons and dynamite. On the other hand, it is also clear that his involvement in the entire affair ended in February 1973.
THE PONTIAC BOMBINGS AND THE READING DYNAMITE RING
Even after Frankhouser had stopped working on the Black September case in February 1973, he still remained on the local ATF payroll supplying Slamon with information on a topic he knew all too well: the traffic in stolen weapons and explosives in the Reading area. Frankhouser got some ATF money for an investigation of a ring that allegedly trafficked in stolen government M-16s that was linked to the local mafia. Other ATF informants told the agency that the same gun-running ring had buried a cache of dynamite on the property of the Reading sewage-disposal plant. ATF agents discovered the dynamite and set up a stakeout which they were forced to call off after a few days for fear that a civilian worker at the plant might accidentally nudge it and set it off.
Then things got even murkier.
In his 13 July 1975 Philadelphia Inquirer story, John Hilferty lays out the complex saga this way. After the government confiscated the dynamite, Hilferty says "Frankhouser then offered an elaborate scheme to set up the arms purchase from a Reading man named Bert Jones. He asked $1,000 for his services." "Bert Jones" (Bertram Jones) would soon become an obsession with the NCLC. The NCLC said that Jones was the Vice-President of the United Rubber Workers (URW) local at the Firestone Rubber plant. In the 14 July 1975 issue of New Solidarity, Jones was reported to have tried to run down a local NCLC member with his car. The paper labeled Jones "an FBI operative who was indicted in 1971 for stealing the explosives used in the KKK-FBI school bombings in Pontiac, Michigan." Jones was also said to head the Reading, Pa., branch of the Maoist Revolutionary Union (RU) group that Frankhouser also reportedly joined!23
Whatever was going on, the ATF rejected Frankhouser's apparent sting operation against Jones; Slamon told Hilferty that the ATF feared it might call attention to their ongoing relationship with Frankhouser.
FRANKHOUSER AND THE ATF GO TO WAR
By the summer of 1973, however, the ATF and Frankhouser had a major falling out possibly provoked by Frankhouser's attempt to aid Robert Miles' defense team. On 23 August 1973, with his relationship with the ATF now in shambles, Frankhouser retaliated. On that day John Hilferty penned a front-page Philadelphia Inquirer article entitled "Was Rightist Camp Bugged?" Hilferty reported that a few weeks earlier an unidentified far rightist – who was mowing the lawn of a Minutemen training camp in the Blue Mountains in Schuylkill County near Orwigsburg – stumbled upon an electronic listening device disguised as dog feces. Hilferty continued:
The meaning of the incident, described by Minuteman sources, remains obscure. Is some government or private organization snooping by illegal means? Or did the usually reticent Minutemen come up with an offbeat gimmick to attract public attention? The Minutemen emphatically say they are under government surveillance.
A search of the training camp lawn discovered two more similarly-disguised listening devices, they reported. When stripped of its hard plastic cover, each device contained three tiny batteries, a small microphone and a small antenna. The sending equipment, with its transistors and diodes, was packed tightly in the case. The device is believed capable of picking up conversations from a distance of 20 feet, with a radio range of perhaps six miles and a life of three months.
Frankhouser – described as the Grand Klokard (or second-in-command) of the Pennsylvania KKK – claimed that he didn't know who put the devices in the camp but "a source close to Frankhouser" pointed to the ATF.
In yet another twist, a Minuteman source (most likely Frankhouser) told Hilferty that the group had conducted its own surveillance on the FBI and had recorded illegal FBI wiretaps. These recordings "include conversations between FBI informers and members of the Mafia, Black Panthers, Minutemen and other left and right-wing extremist groups," or so the source claimed.
FRANKHOUSER'S ARREST AND THE SIMS REVELATIONS
Frankhouser's attempt to embarrass the ATF both with the tapes about Miles and the story in the Philadelphia Inquirer marked the end of his working relationship with the agency. But the ATF was by no means done with him.
On 21 February 1974, the ATF arrested Frankhouser on charges of being involved in a massive dynamite smuggling ring in Reading. The subsequent investigation indicated that Frankhouser used the smuggling network to supply Miles' KKK circle as late as the summer of 1973 at a time when they were out on bail appealing their convictions in the Pontiac bombing case. In a front page Philadelphia Inquirer story published on 13 July 1975, just as Frankhouser was getting set to go to trial, John Hilferty reports,
in September 1973, Frankhouser was implicated in a large dynamite theft. The government contends that he was involved not as an informant but as a participant. Between January and July 1973, the government says, there were several dynamite thefts from the mines of the Reading Anthracite Co. in Schuylkill County. The material stolen included 960 pounds of Trojan U.S. Powder No. 16 Super Primer, plus hundreds of electric blasting caps and thousands of feet of detonating cord.Another person implicated was a Jones, the man Frankhouser had offered to buy guns from under government surveillance.
This "Jones" was Bert Jones. But Frankhouser's real nemesis turned out to by one of Robert Miles' former aides, a man named Charles Sims, who had also been convicted in the Pontiac bombing case. Hilferty states that
Another person implicated was a former friend of Frankhouser, Charles Edward Sims, 35, a former bodyguard for the Rev. Robert E. Miles of Howell, Mich., who has been a Klansman and was the founder of a fundamentalist sect called the Mountain Church of Jesus Christ.
In a lengthy statement written in September 1973 while he was in jail, Sims said that he had visited Reading four times in 1973, and that in July 1973, "Frankhouser had helped him load 240 pounds of dynamite into his car for shipment to Michigan." Sims' jailhouse statement seems to have been critical in the government's discovery of Frankhouser's double role and explains Hilferty's statement that in September 1973 Frankhouser was "implicated" in dynamite smuggling. Sims also indicated that the Miles network had gotten the dynamite for the 1971 bombings from this same Reading-based cell. Sims further informed the government that during his trial Miles wanted to assassinate Judge Gubow, who was hearing his case. Sims said Miles discussed this idea with both himself and Frankhouser. Miles also discussed fleeing to either Algeria or Argentina.24
As for Miles, he wrote a letter from Marion prison dated 11 September 1978, where he reflected on Sims and the fate that awaited him after it had become known that he had turned informer:
I was transferred to Marion from Leavenworth in October of 1974. I had been at Leavenworth almost a year at that time. I was again indicted on the actual bombing charge in the Pontiac affair after being convicted of conspiracy to violate civil rights due to such bombing. . . . the main witness was an ex-aide of mine [Sims] who had been convicted and imprisoned on a bombing attempt involving the Ford Motor Co. executive board meeting. He became disoriented in jail and was placed on Mellaril, a mind-controlling drug, and then used by the federals to tour a grand parade of grand juries in Michigan, Pennsylvania, and New York on supposed bombing acts and plots. Out of this entire mess, only one real indictment was produced, that about the 1971 school bus demolitions. He was the only witness of any credibility and even then, not much so.
I was scheduled for trial along with five others – including the first ones convicted and imprisoned with me on the conspiracy charges, for October 29th of 1974. On October 13th, Thor in heaven threw down some of his plumbing from Valhalla and it hit the traitor, who was in Terre Haute USP, on the head. He suffered permanent brain damage. As a result, the trials had to be abandoned and the indictments were squashed. In revenge for this act on the part of parties unknown to me, I was snatched up from Leavenworth and shipped to the federal Devil's Island, Marion.
(Hilferty said that Sims had undergone treatment in prison for "psychotic personality" and had brain surgery. In October 1974 his jaw was broken when he tried to interrupt a Black Muslim meeting in the Terre Haute prison.)
THE NEW READING BOMBINGS AND FRANKHOUSER'S ARREST
A few weeks after Sims had given his statement to the government pointing the finger at Frankhouser, Reading was the scene of new bomb attacks. On the night of 13 October 1973, two bombs concealed in boxes exploded in the black and Puerto Rican sections of Reading. One man was killed in the blast while another lost a hand.25 According to Hilferty's 13 July 1975 Inquirer story, angry crowds gathered after the blast and chanted the name "Frankhouser!"
Incredibly, Frankhouser tried to spin the bombings to his advantage. Some two weeks after the explosions, Frankhouser contacted the ATF's Reading agent Ed Slamon and told him that he could provide information leading to the bomber! But before making any deal to help the government, "he wanted immunity for his part in the earlier stolen dynamite case." The logical implication is that Frankhouser learned that Sims had talked in jail and had named Frankhouser. But that was not all that Roy demanded:
Frankhouser also wanted a $5,000 reward – half of a $10,000 reward put up by the city, most of it contributions from Jewish businessmen. In addition, he wanted a new briefcase to replace one he said had been damaged off a previous government assignment, a new tape recorder, and renewal of his permit to carry a gun, which he said he needed for self-protection.
Astonishingly, the ATF agreed!
On Nov. 21, Slamon picked up Frankhouser at his mother's home in the Reading suburbs. They went to City Hall and got $5,000 in cash from Mayor Eugene L. Shirk. Slamon put the money in a suitcase and they went to the federal courthouse at Ninth and Market Streets in Philadelphia. Here, after several hours of talks with lawyers, Frankhouser got a letter which said: "In exchange for the provision of information concerning incidents of bombing in Reading, Pennsylvania, and other related matters we will grant you informal testimonial immunity." The letter was signed by U.S. Attorney Robert Curran and other members of his office staff.
Slamon told the government attorneys that "Roy assure me it's good information (on the bombings). This is really good; this is going to crack the bombings." But the crime was never solved and investigators have concluded that Frankhouser's tips were worthless. He was never given the $5,000 reward money.
Whether Slamon believed Frankhouser at this point or was part of a broader effort to trap him is unknown. What is clear is that on 21 February 1974, Frankhouser was arrested on the dynamite case known as the "Sims matter." The charges against him stated that he "did aid, abet, counsel, induce and procure a commission" in the selling of stolen dynamite. He was further indicted on a charge of receiving, storing, and transporting dynamite. With all the charges, Frankhouser faced a potential sentence of up to 51 years. In the grand jury proceedings held in Philadelphia in September 1974, Frankhouser's lawyer tried to present his client as a top government agent whose involvement with dynamite smuggling was part of his job.
Yet the most amazing part of the Frankhouser story was yet to come. In September 1975, Frankhouser pleaded guilty to the charges against him and would up getting probation apparently for trafficking in explosives and gun-running charges as the government's case vanished along with potential witnesses against Frankhouser. As best as I can make out, Frankhouser spent less than a year in jail in 1974-75 because he was unable to raise $50,000 in bail money. However by late May or early June 1975, he was out of jail but still awaiting trial. For example, the 19 June 1975 New Solidarity reports:
A right-winger connected to bomb and weapons expert and intelligence operative Roy Frankhouser, recently released from jail, delivered this veiled threat . . . "We told you things would happen. You hit a raw nerve in the government. We wanted to help, but now it is too late. You're on your own, and there are lives at stake."
Not long after Frankhouser's release, New Solidarity now began claiming that Frankhouser was in fact a top level U.S. government agent working on assignment for the National Security Council, a variation on the argument that Frankhouser's lawyer first raised in September 1974.
After the NCLC began publicizing Frankhouser's claims to have been a government agent, he started attracting a good deal of publicity. It included an interview with CBS News on 28 July 1975 as well as a front page story in the 15 September 1975 Washington Star entitled "Informer's Trial: He Says Uncle Sam Was His Partner in Crime." Then in its 18 September 1975 edition, New Solidarity reported: "Roy Frankhouser today pleaded guilty on two counts to charges stemming from his activities while acting as an agent for Federal agencies, and from a government-directed frame-up." In a New Solidarity report shortly before the plea deal was made, the paper claimed that the government had offered Frankhouser a deal that included "unrestricted one-year probation" with no jail time as long as he would recant his testimony about being a government agent.
What had happened to the government's case?
One guess is that a series of deaths and other violent incidents involving the government's witnesses against Frankhouser made the likelihood that he could ever be convicted doubtful. In the time between Frankhouser's arrest and his scheduled trial
New Solidarity also noted a press conference given by Frankhouser in which he claimed that the Berks County Pennsylvania District Attorney Robert van Hoove was supposedly conducting his own investigation into the gun-running operation that could embarrass certain Reading police officials and that, in response, the ATF asked Frankhouser to participate in an operation against van Hoove that included office break-ins and telephone taps!27
Exactly how did Frankhouser manage it?
Simply put, it is hard to say given just how incredibly confusing this entire incident still remains. However the government's loss of key witnesses clearly played some role. So too did the NCLC's decision to defend Frankhouser as a victim of high-level intrigue. There is also more than a hint of local corruption in the law enforcement world in Reading. Finally, it seems obvious that Frankhouser's long-standing informant relationship with various federal agencies made him potentially embarrassing to his employers, especially with the NCLC serving as Frankhouser's free publicity machine for whatever claims he might wish to concoct. Frankhouser and his government employers, it seems, played a classic game of mutual blackmail and intrigue that is all too common in undercover operations with criminal informants. More than that it is hard to say exactly what happened in Reading from 1970 to 1975 without a full scale investigation far beyond the confines of this appendix. The same holds true for the murky but intriguing events in Canada in late 1972 and early 1973.
Finally, I did not come across a single report identifying the person or persons responsible for the 1970 synagogue and Jewish community center bomb. The 13 October 1974 Reading bombings that killed Jose Gonzalez and wounded Larry McClarry and Dorothy Ortiz also remains unsolved. As for Frankhouser, he died on 15 May 2009 in the Spruce Manor Nursing Home in West Reading, Pennsylvania. He left no survivors.
1The name is frequently misspelled "Frankhauser."
2See the profile on Frankhouser in The New York Times, 1 November 1965 following the death of Dan Burros. For an even more detailed look at Frankhouser's background, please see the appendix "Palimpsest World" in this book at http://laroucheplanet.info/pmwiki/pmwiki.php?n=Library.PalimpsestWorld. Also see the FBI files on Frankhouser at http://laroucheplanet.info/pmwiki/pmwiki.php?n=Library.FrankhouserFBI.
3. Frankhouser was also a active in the Minutemen, an organization that had very bad relations with Rockwell.
4The KBI's leader Eugene Tabbutt – like Frankhouser – lived in the Philadelphia region. A KKK member since 1925, Tabbutt also served as the "Security Chief" of a far-right Shickshinny, Pennsylvania-based group known as the Knights of Malta led by a far rightist convicted con man and Nazi supporter named Charles Pichel. For more on Tabbutt, including a summary of his FBI files, see http://laroucheplanet.info/pmwiki/pmwiki.php?n=Library.PalimpsestWorld.
5On 20 October 1965, HUAC publicly identified Burros as a prominent KKKer and he and Frankhouser were scheduled to testify before HUAC. On Burros and also Frankhouser's appearance before HUAC, see Activities of Ku Klux Klan Organizations in the United States (part 3), HUAC, 89th Congress, Second Session, (US GPO: Washington, 1966). Frankhouser appeared before HUAC on 10 February 1966 and took the 5th Amendment.
6 Burros was at Fort Bragg from November 1955 to February 1956. He then transferred to Fort Campbell, Kentucky, where he stayed until he left the Army on 14 March 1958. As for Frankhouser, he enlisted in the Army on 6 November 1956. As best one can tell, he left the Army, and Fort Bragg, in 1957.
7 The New York Times had been tipped off to Burros' background after Burros had been arrested at an NRP anti-integration demonstration outside a White Castle restaurant in New York. A "government investigator" noticed that Burros had been bailed out of jail by a Jewish relative and notified a source in the Times about a possible story on Burros' background. The investigator may have been from New York City's Bureau of Special Service and Investigations (BOSSI), the City's "Red Squad" organization that kept close tabs on political extremists of all sorts. The Times went with the story once it was able to confirm that Burros was indeed the son of George and Esther Sunshine Burros, and a grandson of Russian Jews. He attended Hebrew school at Talmud Torah in Richmond Hill; his bar mitzvah was held there on 4 March 1950.
BOSSI detective Tony Ulasewicz was personally assigned to monitor New York neo-Nazis and Minutemen extremists. Ulasewicz knew John Patler and also planted a BOSSI agent in the ANP. See Tony Ulasewicz, The President's Private Eye (Westport, Conn.: MACSAM Publishing, 1990), 129-44.
8 When an investigator for an unnamed government agency (BOSSI?) visited Burros' mother, she told him that her real name was Erika Schroeder and that she had been born in Germany. Burros also said his mother was Erika Schroeder and that she was a German-born Lutheran. Yet on her marriage certificate, she is listed as "Ester Sunshine," a Jew. Erika/Ester lived in a Bronx apartment before she married George Burros on 31 May 1936 in a marriage performed by a rabbi. Presumably, she lied about her past to protect her son.
9 The events that led to Burros death also led to a book by two New York Times reporters – Abe Rosenthal and Arthur Gelb – entitled One More Victim: The Life and Death of a Jewish American Nazi that appeared in 1967 and which reportedly used Frankhouser as a major source.
10 Hilferty reports in the Inquirer that Frankhouser lost his eye "in a vicious beating he suffered outside the Court Tavern in Reading in 1965. Three racket figures were arrested in the assault but charges were dropped when Frankhouser refused to testify against them."
11The subsequent raid was led by an ATF agent named John L. Burkholder.
12 From John Hilferty, "How a Nazi-Klansman Became a U.S. Agent," The Philadelphia Inquirer, 13 July 1975: "He [Frankhouser] was recruited as a government agent in 1972, two years after the government sent a Treasury Department agent to set up an office in Reading as a result of a series of bombings of synagogues and the Jewish Community Center there."
13 Hilferty, 13 July 1975 Philadelphia Inquirer.
14 Norman Kempster, "He Says Uncle Sam Was His Partner in Crime," 15 September 1975 Washington Star.
15. The source is documents and trial transcripts from testimony in Frankhouser's trial in Philadelphia in 1974 for dynamite smuggling that I examined in the mid-1980s. I could not examine the entire extensive court record at the time.
16 Hilferty, 13 July 1975 Philadelphia Inquirer.
17 See T.H. Mehdi, Kennedy and Sirhan: Why? (New York: New World Press, 1968), 32.
20 Shmukler was a high profile defense attorney. When he defended Frankhouser, the Jewish Shmukler was picketed by the JDL and his house was firebombed. Shmukler had been a member of an Army JAG unit from 1955 to 1990 when he retired as a Colonel. See his obituary in the 10 August 2006 Philadelphia Inquirer.
21 Hilferty, 13 July 1975 Philadelphia Inquirer.
23 See 7 July 1976 New Solidarity for Frankhouser's claimed membership in the RU.
24. Sims' testimony to ATF agent Roy H. Smith on 26 September 1973 is in the Philadelphia court record.
25. Juan Gonzalez, 38, died from wounds from the blast on 13 October 1974. Larry McClarry, 22, was injured from a bomb placed on the same day. Mrs. Dorothy Ortiz, 35, was also hurt in one of the blasts.
26 See 3 July 1975 New Solidarity on the death of Kanger and other witnesses. The Labor Committee said that there were two other members of the bomb network, James Colbert and Leymond DeBooth, the brother of Norman DeBooth. The NCLC also said in its "LEAA Gestapo Operations in Reading, Pa." report that a few months after the Pontiac bombings, "a secret (sealed) indictment was handed down" by a Federal Grand Jury in Philadelphia against Frankhouser, Bert Jones, Thomas Kanger, and James Colbert for having provided the dynamite for Pontiac.
As far as I can tell, Frankhouser was arrested in February 1974 for giving dynamite to Sims. The government first came upon the connection in September 1973 when Sims turned informant. The Reading bombings then took place in October 1973. Frankhouser had a Grand Jury hearing in September 1973 over the dynamite thefts that had occurred in the summer of 1973. Sims seems to have indicated that the network had supplied the dynamite for the earlier bombing as well so this remains unclear. It then seems that Frankhouser spent time in jail because he was unable to raise bail but by May or early June of 1975 he was out on bail. Then with various key government witnesses either dead, brain-dead, or in jail, his attorney made a plea deal on 16 September 1975 with the government in which Frankhouser pleaded guilty to two counts involving gun-running for which he got probation and no jail time.
27 See 15 September 1975 New Solidarity for a report on a Frankhouser press conference where he made these charges.
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